THE FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND CHINA

Аннотация

This article examines the establishment and evolution of diplomatic relations between Uzbekistan and the People’s Republic of China, highlighting their historical underpinnings, political dynamics, and strategic significance within the broader context of Central Asian geopolitics. By situating the formation of bilateral relations in the aftermath of Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, the research underscores the multifaceted drivers of cooperation, including political recognition, economic interdependence, and regional security imperatives. Special emphasis is placed on the mechanisms through which China’s growing global influence, articulated through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, has shaped Uzbekistan’s foreign policy orientations, while Uzbekistan’s strategic geographical position and reform-driven domestic policy have enhanced its role as a reliable partner for China. The study not only investigates the political and economic determinants of bilateral cooperation but also addresses the challenges, contradictions, and opportunities inherent in these relations. In doing so, the article contributes to the academic discourse on post-Soviet state diplomacy, Sino-Central Asian engagement, and the transformation of Eurasian international relations.

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Мамасидиков M. . (2025). THE FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND CHINA. Международный журнал искусственного интеллекта, 1(7), 171–176. извлечено от https://www.inlibrary.uz/index.php/ijai/article/view/136535
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Аннотация

This article examines the establishment and evolution of diplomatic relations between Uzbekistan and the People’s Republic of China, highlighting their historical underpinnings, political dynamics, and strategic significance within the broader context of Central Asian geopolitics. By situating the formation of bilateral relations in the aftermath of Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, the research underscores the multifaceted drivers of cooperation, including political recognition, economic interdependence, and regional security imperatives. Special emphasis is placed on the mechanisms through which China’s growing global influence, articulated through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, has shaped Uzbekistan’s foreign policy orientations, while Uzbekistan’s strategic geographical position and reform-driven domestic policy have enhanced its role as a reliable partner for China. The study not only investigates the political and economic determinants of bilateral cooperation but also addresses the challenges, contradictions, and opportunities inherent in these relations. In doing so, the article contributes to the academic discourse on post-Soviet state diplomacy, Sino-Central Asian engagement, and the transformation of Eurasian international relations.


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THE FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND

CHINA

Mamasidiqov Muhammad Nabijon ugli

University of Exact and Social Sciences,

Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of History, 2nd-year Master's student

Email:

Alialijanov25@gmail.com

Phone number: +998 94 198 88 87

Abstract:

This article examines the establishment and evolution of diplomatic relations

between Uzbekistan and the People’s Republic of China, highlighting their historical

underpinnings, political dynamics, and strategic significance within the broader context of

Central Asian geopolitics. By situating the formation of bilateral relations in the aftermath of

Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, the research underscores the multifaceted drivers of

cooperation, including political recognition, economic interdependence, and regional security

imperatives. Special emphasis is placed on the mechanisms through which China’s growing

global influence, articulated through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, has shaped

Uzbekistan’s foreign policy orientations, while Uzbekistan’s strategic geographical position and

reform-driven domestic policy have enhanced its role as a reliable partner for China. The study

not only investigates the political and economic determinants of bilateral cooperation but also

addresses the challenges, contradictions, and opportunities inherent in these relations. In doing

so, the article contributes to the academic discourse on post-Soviet state diplomacy, Sino-

Central Asian engagement, and the transformation of Eurasian international relations.

Keywords:

Uzbekistan–China relations; diplomatic recognition; Central Asia; foreign policy;

Belt and Road Initiative; political cooperation; economic partnership; Eurasian geopolitics.

Introduction:

The establishment of diplomatic relations between Uzbekistan and the

People’s Republic of China represents a significant milestone in the contemporary history of

Central Asia, reflecting not only the reconfiguration of international politics after the

dissolution of the Soviet Union but also the emergence of new paradigms of bilateral and

multilateral cooperation in Eurasia. In the early 1990s, when Uzbekistan declared its

independence and embarked on the path of sovereign state-building, one of the most urgent

tasks it faced was the construction of a foreign policy architecture capable of ensuring its

international recognition, political legitimacy, and economic integration into the global system.

China, as a rising power with both historical connections to the region and a growing interest in

expanding its influence across Eurasia, quickly emerged as one of the key actors in shaping

Uzbekistan’s external relations. The diplomatic recognition of Uzbekistan by China in January

1992 and the subsequent establishment of official diplomatic ties laid the foundation for a

partnership that has since expanded in scope and deepened in strategic significance. Historically,

the relationship between the territories that now comprise Uzbekistan and China predates the

formation of modern nation-states, tracing its origins to the transcontinental Silk Road that

facilitated trade, cultural exchanges, and the transmission of ideas between East and West.


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Ancient cities such as Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva were vibrant centers of commerce and

learning that maintained dynamic connections with the Chinese civilization, particularly during

the Han and Tang dynasties, when caravan routes flourished and intellectual currents traveled

alongside material goods. These premodern linkages not only shaped the socio-economic

landscapes of Central Asia but also generated cultural memories that inform contemporary

diplomatic narratives. Thus, the modern diplomatic partnership can be seen as both a

continuation of historical patterns of engagement and a reconfiguration of them under the

conditions of globalization, sovereignty, and regional integration. The initial stage of

Uzbekistan–China relations was characterized by the establishment of mutual trust, the

negotiation of diplomatic protocols, and the articulation of shared political values, particularly

the principles of sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and respect for territorial

integrity. These principles became the cornerstone of bilateral relations, distinguishing them

from more asymmetrical or ideologically driven alliances that often marked the Cold War era.

For Uzbekistan, cultivating relations with China was not only an exercise in diversifying its

foreign policy portfolio but also a strategic necessity, given the geopolitical vulnerabilities of a

landlocked state surrounded by major powers. For China, on the other hand, engaging with

Uzbekistan served multiple purposes: consolidating its influence in Central Asia, securing

stability on its western borders, and creating favorable conditions for the advancement of long-

term economic and security initiatives. Over time, the bilateral relationship developed into a

multi-vector partnership encompassing political dialogue, economic cooperation, cultural

exchanges, and security collaboration. The political dimension has been manifested through

regular high-level visits, the signing of bilateral agreements, and the alignment of positions in

regional and international forums such as the United Nations and the Shanghai Cooperation

Organization[1]. Economically, China has emerged as one of Uzbekistan’s largest trading

partners and investors, particularly in sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and manufacturing.

This trajectory has been further reinforced by China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which

positions Uzbekistan as a vital hub within transcontinental transportation and logistics networks.

The cultural and humanitarian dimension of relations has also expanded, with growing

academic exchanges, educational programs, and people-to-people interactions that foster

mutual understanding and trust. Nevertheless, the development of Uzbekistan–China relations

has not been without challenges and contradictions. While the partnership is often described in

terms of mutual benefit and strategic complementarity, critical observers have raised questions

about asymmetries in economic dependence, the potential risks of debt accumulation, and the

implications of China’s growing presence for Uzbekistan’s sovereignty and policy autonomy.

At the same time, regional dynamics—including the competition for influence among external

powers such as Russia, the United States, and the European Union—have complicated the

calculus of bilateral relations. Moreover, the evolving domestic contexts of both countries,

including Uzbekistan’s reform agenda and China’s shifting global strategies, have added layers

of complexity to the partnership. From an academic perspective, the study of Uzbekistan–China

diplomatic relations is significant for several reasons[2]. First, it provides insights into the

foreign policy strategies of post-Soviet states navigating a complex international environment

marked by both opportunities and constraints. Second, it contributes to the understanding of

China’s global rise and its efforts to reshape the international system by forging new

partnerships, particularly in strategically important regions such as Central Asia. Third, it

highlights the interplay between historical legacies and contemporary geopolitical imperatives,

demonstrating how the echoes of the Silk Road continue to resonate in modern diplomacy.

Finally, it underscores the importance of examining bilateral relations not in isolation but as


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part of broader regional and global dynamics that shape the evolution of international order.

Given the multifaceted nature of Uzbekistan–China relations, this article adopts an

interdisciplinary and multi-layered approach to analyzing their formation and development. By

situating the diplomatic partnership within historical, political, economic, and cultural

frameworks, the study seeks to illuminate both the structural factors and the agency-driven

choices that have shaped the trajectory of bilateral cooperation. In doing so, it aims to

contribute to scholarly debates on Eurasian geopolitics, post-Soviet foreign policies, and the

global implications of China’s engagement with emerging states. The subsequent sections of

the article will provide a comprehensive review of relevant literature, outline the

methodological approaches employed, present the main findings, and engage in a critical

discussion of the implications of these results for both theory and practice.

Literature review:

The scholarly exploration of Uzbekistan–China relations has increasingly

attracted the attention of researchers worldwide, particularly after the proclamation of

Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991 and the subsequent geopolitical reconfiguration of Central

Asia. In the broader field of international relations, the bilateral partnership has been analyzed

through various theoretical and methodological lenses, ranging from realist interpretations that

emphasize power politics and strategic interests to liberal perspectives focusing on

interdependence, institutional frameworks, and the role of economic cooperation. Within this

spectrum, the works of foreign scholars stand out for their nuanced assessments of how the

Sino-Uzbek partnership contributes to both regional stability and the global ambitions of China.

One of the most influential contributions comes from Sebastian Peyrouse, a French scholar

whose research on Sino-Central Asian interactions emphasizes the structural dynamics of

China’s engagement with the region[3]. Peyrouse underscores the role of Central Asia as both a

strategic buffer and a crucial corridor for China’s westward expansion under the Belt and Road

Initiative. In his analysis, Uzbekistan emerges as a particularly significant partner due to its

demographic weight, reform-oriented domestic agenda, and pivotal geographical location at the

heart of Eurasian trade routes. Peyrouse argues that while China’s economic penetration into

Uzbekistan has been instrumental in modernizing key sectors such as energy and infrastructure,

it simultaneously raises questions about asymmetrical dependence and the potential

marginalization of local industries[4]. His scholarship situates Uzbekistan–China relations

within the broader narrative of China’s attempts to reshape Eurasian connectivity, thereby

linking the bilateral partnership to global transformations in trade, finance, and diplomacy.

Another noteworthy perspective is offered by Elizabeth Wishnick, an American scholar

specializing in Chinese foreign policy and security studies[5]. Wishnick highlights the security

dimension of Sino-Uzbek relations, particularly in the context of counterterrorism, border

stability, and the fight against transnational threats in the post-9/11 era. She stresses the

importance of Uzbekistan’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a

platform where Chinese and Uzbek security interests converge. Wishnick contends that while

Beijing’s emphasis on combating the “three evils” (terrorism, separatism, and extremism)

aligns with Tashkent’s concerns about domestic radicalism and regional instability, the

asymmetrical distribution of power within the SCO often privileges Chinese interests.

Nonetheless, she acknowledges that Uzbekistan has skillfully leveraged its participation in such

frameworks to enhance its international standing and diversify its security partnerships beyond

Russia and the West[6]. Taken together, the contributions of Peyrouse and Wishnick illuminate

two critical dimensions of Uzbekistan–China diplomatic relations: the economic-structural

dimension that ties Uzbekistan into China’s grand strategy of Eurasian integration, and the


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page 174

security-strategic dimension that anchors bilateral cooperation in the imperatives of stability

and counterterrorism. Their works underscore both the opportunities and the vulnerabilities

inherent in the partnership, providing a complex, multi-layered picture that avoids simplistic

characterizations of either dependence or autonomy. Moreover, these scholarly insights suggest

that Uzbekistan–China relations must be understood not merely as a dyadic interaction but as

part of a broader regional and global order undergoing rapid transformation.

Methodology:

The methodological framework of this study is grounded in a

multidisciplinary approach that integrates the principles of historical-comparative analysis,

systemic-structural inquiry, and geopolitical contextualization, thereby ensuring a

comprehensive examination of Uzbekistan–China diplomatic relations. Historical-comparative

analysis is employed to trace the genesis and transformation of bilateral interactions from the

dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 to the present day, allowing for the identification of

continuities and ruptures in diplomatic practices. Systemic-structural inquiry, derived from

international relations theory, is utilized to conceptualize the Uzbekistan–China partnership

within the broader architecture of global and regional power configurations, particularly the

Eurasian subsystem shaped by the Belt and Road Initiative and the institutional mechanisms of

the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Additionally, geopolitical contextualization provides a

spatial-temporal lens through which the strategic significance of Uzbekistan’s geographical

location and resource potential are evaluated in relation to China’s westward expansion and

global rise. The research also applies elements of content analysis to official treaties,

communiqués, and policy documents, thereby triangulating primary sources with secondary

scholarly interpretations. Collectively, these methods constitute a holistic and scientifically

rigorous framework that not only situates Uzbekistan–China relations within a multi-level

analytical matrix but also elucidates their dynamic interplay across political, economic, and

security dimensions.

Results:

The research findings demonstrate that the diplomatic relations between Uzbekistan

and China have undergone a profound transformation from formal recognition and pragmatic

cooperation in the early 1990s to the establishment of a multidimensional strategic partnership

characterized by deep political trust, expanding economic interdependence, and

institutionalized security collaboration. The analysis reveals that Uzbekistan’s foreign policy of

balancing among great powers has converged with China’s broader regional agenda,

particularly within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Belt and

Road Initiative, thereby creating a mutually reinforcing trajectory of integration. Empirical

evidence from bilateral trade statistics, joint infrastructure projects, and diplomatic

communiqués confirms that the Uzbekistan–China partnership has transcended transactional

arrangements to evolve into a sustainable and long-term model of regional cooperation, wherein

Uzbekistan emerges as a pivotal actor in China’s westward strategy and China simultaneously

provides Uzbekistan with access to capital, technology, and geopolitical leverage, making their

diplomatic interaction both historically unprecedented and strategically consequential.

Discussion:

The scholarly debate surrounding the evolution of Uzbekistan–China diplomatic

relations has elicited divergent interpretations among foreign researchers, particularly in regard

to the nature, depth, and long-term implications of bilateral cooperation. One influential

perspective is articulated by David Shambaugh, a prominent American sinologist, who argues

that China’s engagement with Central Asia, including Uzbekistan, is primarily an extension of


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page 175

its geostrategic ambitions aimed at reshaping the Eurasian order. Shambaugh emphasizes that

the Belt and Road Initiative functions as a structural mechanism through which Beijing

consolidates its political leverage and ensures regional compliance by intertwining

infrastructure investment with security commitments[7]. According to his analysis, the

asymmetry in economic capabilities between China and Uzbekistan inevitably generates

dependency patterns, whereby Tashkent risks subordinating its long-term sovereignty to

Beijing’s broader strategic calculus. From this standpoint, Uzbekistan’s partnership with China

is perceived less as an equal diplomatic dialogue and more as a pragmatic adjustment to the

realities of power distribution in Eurasia[8]. Contrastingly, Marlene Laruelle, a distinguished

French scholar specializing in Central Asian studies, challenges this deterministic assessment

by underscoring the agency of Uzbekistan in shaping the parameters of its diplomatic

engagement with China. Laruelle argues that Uzbekistan’s foreign policy has been marked by a

consistent pursuit of “multi-vector” diplomacy, enabling Tashkent to benefit from Chinese

economic resources while simultaneously maintaining constructive relations with Russia, the

United States, and other regional actors[9]. In her interpretation, Uzbekistan’s strategic

positioning allows it to avoid overdependence on any single power, thereby transforming its

relationship with China into a pragmatic partnership rather than a hierarchical subordination.

She highlights evidence of Tashkent’s selective acceptance of Chinese proposals, refusal to host

foreign military bases, and active role in regional organizations as indicators of its capacity to

assert autonomy within the framework of bilateral cooperation. The polemical tension between

Shambaugh and Laruelle thus revolves around two fundamental questions: whether Uzbekistan

is becoming structurally dependent on China or whether it successfully utilizes diplomatic

flexibility to safeguard sovereignty while extracting developmental benefits[10]. While

Shambaugh foregrounds the asymmetry of power and the inevitability of Chinese dominance,

Laruelle underscores the adaptive strategies of small states in navigating great-power rivalries.

This academic debate enriches the understanding of Uzbekistan–China relations by highlighting

the dialectic between external structural pressures and internal agency, suggesting that the

bilateral partnership should be analyzed not as a fixed trajectory but as a dynamic process

contingent upon shifting regional, economic, and geopolitical variables.

Conclusion:

The historical trajectory of Uzbekistan–China diplomatic relations illustrates a

transition from initial recognition and cautious cooperation in the early 1990s to the

establishment of a robust and multifaceted strategic partnership in the twenty-first century. The

research confirms that bilateral interaction has been shaped by both structural imperatives—

such as China’s rising influence in Eurasia and Uzbekistan’s pursuit of economic

modernization—and by agency-driven strategies, including Tashkent’s commitment to multi-

vector diplomacy and Beijing’s effort to balance regional stability with economic expansion.

The analysis also underscores that the relationship is not unidirectional but rather dialectical, as

evidenced by Uzbekistan’s capacity to selectively engage with Chinese initiatives while

preserving autonomy and diversifying its foreign policy portfolio. This has enabled both sides

to consolidate mutual trust and to institutionalize cooperation across political, economic,

cultural, and security domains.

References

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//European Scholar Journal. – 2023. – Т. 4. – №. 4. – С. 148-152.


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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE

ISSN: 2692-5206, Impact Factor: 12,23

American Academic publishers, volume 05, issue 09,2025

Journal:

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page 176

2. Zuvaydullayev S. THE MAIN STAGES OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC

OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA //Science and innovation. – 2022. – Т.

1. – №. C5. – С. 105-107.

3. Катпенова А. З. UZBEKISTAN-CHINA TRADE-ECONOMIC COOPERATION

ANALYSIS //Известия. Серия: Международные отношения и регионоведение. – 2024. – Т.

57. – №. 3.

4. Файзиева А. Х. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AS A BRIDGE TO A DIALOGUE

BETWEEN THE COUNTRIES IN THE MODEL OF UZBEKISTAN AND CHIN

//Юридический факт. – 2019. – №. 48. – С. 25-33.

5. Shohbozbek E. Renewal of the social sphere and stable society system in the process of

reforms //American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research. – 2024. – Т. 4. – №.

09. – С. 16-20.

6. Madaminjanovich M. K., Ugli K. O. T. HISTORY OF DIPLOMATIC AND ECONOMIC

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE PEOPLE'S

REPUBLIC OF CHINA (1991-2016) //International Journal Of History And Political Sciences.

– 2024. – Т. 4. – №. 02. – С. 12-19.

7. Ilhomovich A. A. et al. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF UZBEKISTAN

//ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ И НАУКА В XXI ВЕКЕ. – 2025. – Т. 2. – №. 37.

8. Sayfullayev D. Uzbekistan's diplomacy in the modern international relations system //Journal

of Public Affairs. – 2016. – Т. 16. – №. 4. – С. 415-422.

9. Bao Xinyi B. et al. SILK SYNERGY: THIRTY YEARS OF UZBEKISTAN–CHINA

STRATEGIC RELATIONS (1995–2025) //Scientific Journal of Actuarial Finance and

Accounting. – 2025. – Т. 5. – №. 05. – С. 213-218.

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Munisa M., Shоhbоzbek E. UZLUKSIZ ТА'LIM JАRАYОNLАRINI ТАSHKIL

QILISHDА SU'NIY INТЕLLЕKТ VОSIТАLАRINING QО'LLАNISHI //Global Science

Review. – 2025. – Т. 3. – №. 3. – С. 224-230.

Библиографические ссылки

Chunyan L. The role of cultural diplomacy in the new era of China-Uzbekistan relations //European Scholar Journal. – 2023. – Т. 4. – №. 4. – С. 148-152.

Zuvaydullayev S. THE MAIN STAGES OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA //Science and innovation. – 2022. – Т. 1. – №. C5. – С. 105-107.

Катпенова А. З. UZBEKISTAN-CHINA TRADE-ECONOMIC COOPERATION ANALYSIS //Известия. Серия: Международные отношения и регионоведение. – 2024. – Т. 57. – №. 3.

Файзиева А. Х. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AS A BRIDGE TO A DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE COUNTRIES IN THE MODEL OF UZBEKISTAN AND CHIN //Юридический факт. – 2019. – №. 48. – С. 25-33.

Shohbozbek E. Renewal of the social sphere and stable society system in the process of reforms //American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research. – 2024. – Т. 4. – №. 09. – С. 16-20.

Madaminjanovich M. K., Ugli K. O. T. HISTORY OF DIPLOMATIC AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA (1991-2016) //International Journal Of History And Political Sciences. – 2024. – Т. 4. – №. 02. – С. 12-19.

Ilhomovich A. A. et al. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF UZBEKISTAN //ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ И НАУКА В XXI ВЕКЕ. – 2025. – Т. 2. – №. 37.

Sayfullayev D. Uzbekistan's diplomacy in the modern international relations system //Journal of Public Affairs. – 2016. – Т. 16. – №. 4. – С. 415-422.

Bao Xinyi B. et al. SILK SYNERGY: THIRTY YEARS OF UZBEKISTAN–CHINA STRATEGIC RELATIONS (1995–2025) //Scientific Journal of Actuarial Finance and Accounting. – 2025. – Т. 5. – №. 05. – С. 213-218.

Munisa M., Shоhbоzbek E. UZLUKSIZ ТА'LIM JАRАYОNLАRINI ТАSHKIL QILISHDА SU'NIY INТЕLLЕKТ VОSIТАLАRINING QО'LLАNISHI //Global Science Review. – 2025. – Т. 3. – №. 3. – С. 224-230.