THE USA JOURNALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE LAW AND CRIMINOLOGY (ISSN- 2693-0803)
VOLUME 06 ISSUE12
11
https://www.theamericanjournals.com/index.php/tajpslc
PUBLISHED DATE: - 10-12-2024
DOI: -
https://doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/Volume06Issue12-03
PAGE NO.: - 11-15
THE ROLE AND POSSIBILITIES OF THE
ORGANIZATION OF TURKIC STATES IN THE
GLOBAL COMPETITION FOR THE CENTRAL
ASIAN REGION
Javlon Narzullayevich Abdullaev
Researcher, Tashkent State University of Oriental Studies, Uzbekistan
INTRODUCTION
The role and opportunities of the organization of
Turkic states in the global competition for the
Central Asian region are increasing in today’s
changing geopolitical landscape. Central Asia has
long been a region of strategic importance due to
its rich natural resources, geographical location,
and the presence of important trade routes,
including those linked to the “One Belt, One Road”
initiative. In this context, competition between
major global powers such as the USA, Russia, and
China is intensifying, each of them is fighting for
influence and strategic partnership in the region.
This article is particularly relevant in that it
examines the foreign policies and interests of these
key actors in Central Asia, providing insights into
the changing dynamics of global competition. It
examines the potential of the OTS in relation to its
economic, political, and cultural interests in Central
Asia, and shows its opportunities and limitations in
an increasingly competitive environment as a
major regional actor.
RESULTS
Foreign policy of major geopolitical powers
towards Central Asia
. The United States has
maintained a strategic interest in Central Asia due
to the geopolitical importance of the Central Asian
region, its proximity to major powers such as
Russia and China, and its potential role in ensuring
regional security related to Afghanistan. The three
main vectors of the US foreign policy strategy in
Central Asia can be defined as follows: geopolitical
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Open Access
Abstract
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vector - manifesting itself in diplomatic activities
and efforts in the field of military and weapons
cooperation to balance global powers such as
Russia and China in the region; economic vector -
maximum control by the American state and
business over the very important energy resources
of Central Asia, primarily the very important
energy resources of Kazakhstan, which has natural
gas, oil, and uranium deposits; political-ideological
and humanitarian vector - the implementation of
the long-term plan of the USA on the
“democratization” of Central Asian countries based
on Western principles.
The US Central Asia Strategy for 2019-2025,
adopted by the Trump administration in February
2020, reflects the continuation and deepening of
mutual relations, emphasizing the development of
political, economic, and security relations that
ensure stability, independence, and cooperation in
the region [13]. This strategy includes supporting
and
strengthening
the
sovereignty
and
independence of Central Asian countries
individually and as a region, reducing terrorist
threats in Central Asia, ensuring stability in
Afghanistan, Encouraging communication between
Central Asia and Afghanistan, reforming the rule of
law and respect for human rights, and promoting
US investment and development in Central Asia
have been cited. According to V. A. Ponomaryov
[6.445-459], in recent years, Washington and US
non-governmental non-profit organizations have
become more flexible in their influence on these
countries in the political, ideological, and
humanitarian spheres, showing respect for the
“unique development path” of the Central Asian
states. However, it remains persistent and
targeted, and is expressed in influencing the
countries of the region by reminding them of the
need to liberalize national laws governing the
electoral process, create a “free media” and
introduce a “multi
-
party political system”. The
withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in 2021
marked a significant turning point in US foreign
policy towards Central Asia. The end of the “forever
war” led to a reassessment of US priorities, pushing
the region lower on the US foreign policy agenda.
While counterterrorism remains a challenge,
particularly in Afghanistan, due to the rise of the
Islamic State Khorasan Branch, the US has turned
its attention to strategic competition with Russia
and China, recognizing their growing influence in
the region [8]. This shift was reflected in the New
Silk Road initiative, which prioritized economic
development and trade, and encouraged US
companies and investment in the region to counter
China’s Belt and Road Initiative [12].
The United States is pursuing a multifaceted
strategy in Central Asia, engaging in various forums
and partnerships with countries in the region to
balance the influence of China and Russia. In
particular, the C5+1 multilateral cooperation
format, launched in 2015 with five countries in the
region, serves as a platform for dialogue and
cooperation on issues of mutual interest, including
economic development, energy security, and
counterterrorism [2]. The B5+1 forum to support
US-Central Asia business cooperation and the C5+1
session on disability rights are also being held.
Russia’s policy towards Central Asia is driven by
historical ties, economic interests, security
concerns, and the desire to maintain its influence in
a region of geopolitical importance [16.77-85].
Russia sees Central Asia as an important buffer
zone protecting its southern borders from
instability. The region’s proximity to Afghanistan
and the associated threats of terrorism, drug
trafficking, and radicalization are central to
Russian security reporting. Moscow has
established military bases in Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan, which are an integral part of its security
strategy in the region. These bases not only
demonstrate Russia’s military might, but also
represent Moscow’s commitment to regional
security [1.53-63]. Russia is one of the main
members of the Collective Security Treaty
Organization, which includes several Central Asian
countries. The CSTO is a means for Russia to
maintain security cooperation in the region,
providing a framework for joint military exercises,
intelligence sharing, and collective defense
mechanisms. The role of the CSTO became more
important after the US withdrawal from
Afghanistan increased security concerns in the
region [14.589-
617]. Russia’s leadership in the
CSTO allows it to shape regional security dynamics
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and prevent external powers such as the US or
NATO from filling the gap. Russia’s economic policy
in Central Asia is primarily focused on the region’s
energy resources and infrastructure development.
Central Asia is rich in oil, natural gas and minerals
and is a valuable partner for Russia’s energy sector
[15]. Moscow tried to maintain its dominance in the
energy market of the region through the state-
owned company “Gazprom”, which remains the
main participant in the Central Asian gas trade.
Russia imports natural gas from Central Asia and
re-exports it to Europe, which not only strengthens
its economic position, but also increases its
geopolitical influence. One of the important aspects
of Russia’s economic policy is the Eurasian
Economic Union (EEU), a regional economic bloc in
which Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members.
The EEU serves as an institutional framework to
promote trade, investment and economic
integration in the region [9.553-561]. While the
EEU has not delivered the rapid economic growth
that some proponents had hoped for, it remains a
cornerstone of Russia’s economic strategy in
Central Asia and serves to counter the influence of
other regional players such as China and the
European Union.
From a diplomatic perspective, Russia is able to
balance its relations with the various Central Asian
states, each of which has its own geopolitical
concerns. For example, Kazakhstan has sought to
maintain a degree of independence from Moscow
by pursuing a multi-vector foreign policy that
includes strong ties with China and the West. By
contrast, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have relied
more heavily on Russian military and economic
support, bringing them closer to Moscow’s foreign
policy goals. Russia’s soft power in Central Asia is
evident in its promotion of the Russian language
and culture. Russian is widely spoken in the region,
and Moscow has invested in educational programs,
media, and cultural exchanges that enhance
Russian cultural influence [11]. Russia also has a
large diaspora of labor migrants from Central Asia,
and their remittances are important for the
economies of Central Asian countries. By
regulating the flow of labor migrants, Moscow has
significant influence over these governments.
China’s foreign policy towards Central Asia reflects
a multifaceted strategy driven by economic,
political, and security factors [7.50-61]. Since the
fall of the Soviet Union and the independence of the
Central Asian republics, Beijing has steadily
increased its influence in the region, which plays an
important ro
le in China’s long
-term geopolitical
and economic goals. At the heart of China’s policy
in Central Asia is the “One Belt, One Road”
initiative, a large-scale infrastructure project
aimed at improving connectivity and economic
integration with Eurasia [3.71-79]. Central Asia,
located at the crossroads of major trade routes, is
crucial to the success of “One Belt, One Road”
Initiative. China has invested heavily in
infrastructure development in the region in the
areas of transport, energy, and digital connectivity,
which will help ensure the stability of trade flows
in the region. China’s energy security is another
important factor shaping its cooperation with
Central Asia [4.53-
63]. The region’s rich oil, gas and
mineral resources are of strategic importance to
China, which has sought to diversify its energy
imports and reduce dependence on Middle Eastern
sources. Key investments include the China-Central
Asia gas pipeline, which will deliver natural gas
from Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan to
China,
helping to meet China’s growing domestic
energy needs.
Politically, China is working to deepen bilateral and
multilateral ties with Central Asian states, using
forums such as the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, which serves as a platform for
regional security cooperation and political
dialogue. Through the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, China has promoted regional
security initiatives aimed at countering terrorism,
separatism and extremism [5.59-79]. China and
Central Asian countries are cooperating in
countering security threats through joint military
exercises, intelligence sharing and counter-
terrorism training. China is seeking to expand its
influence in regional security arrangements and
position itself as a key player in stabilizing Central
Asia.
The role of the Organization of Turkic States in
the Central Asian region
. The history of the
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Turkic world is deeply intertwined with the
political and cultural evolution of the region. Turkic
peoples have played a significant role in shaping
the cultural and political landscapes of Central Asia,
the Caucasus, and beyond for centuries. The
resurgence of Turkish identity in recent decades is
evidence of the strong development of cultural and
linguistic ties that cross political boundaries. The
collapse of the Soviet Union created the conditions
for the revival of Turkic identities. As the Central
Asian republics gained independence, they began
to seek ways to restore their cultural heritage and
establish new political and economic cooperation.
The Republic of Turkey has begun to act as a model
state in this regard. It was on Turkey’s initiative
that the Summit of Turkic-Speaking States was
organized in the early 1990s. This summit served
as the foundation for all subsequent initiatives. The
establishment of the Turkic Council, based on an
agreement signed in Nakhichevan, Azerbaijan in
2009, transformed it into the Organization of
Turkic States (OTS) at the 2021 Istanbul Summit.
This trend can be evaluated as a product of
Turkey’s long
-term strategy. OTS reflects the desire
for common prosperity and security in the Turkic
world [10.139-162], aims to develop regional
cooperation and integration in various fields
within the organization.
The OTS has become an important counterbalance
to external forces in Central Asia. The organization
seeks to create a space for regional autonomy and
self-determination while maintaining good
relations with the region’s geopolitical actors,
Russia, China, and the United States. OTS is
important in strengthening interstate relations in
the region. By promoting dialogue and cooperation,
it has contributed to resolving border disputes,
strengthening economic ties, and promoting
cultural exchanges between member states. It
should also be noted that Central Asia, which is far
from the seas, plays an important role for logistics
cooperation that increases access to the seas and
oceans through Turkey.
The Organization of Turkic States is becoming an
important platform for coordinating security
cooperation. Joint efforts have been made to
combat threats, and ensure stability and security in
the region, as the organization tackles issues such
as terrorism, cross-border crime, illegal drug and
arms trafficking. The OTS prioritized economic and
cultural cooperation as the basis of its agenda.
Recognizing the need for integrated development,
the organization has undertaken several initiatives
aimed at promoting economic growth and regional
integration. The creation of free trade zones and
preferential trade agreements between OTS
members is encouraging Turkish interstate trade
and helping to increase economic activity in the
region. Also, the organization operates the
Parliament of Turkic States (TurkPA) aimed at the
development of parliamentary relations between
the member states and the bodies aimed at
increasing cultural cooperation (Turksoy).
CONCLUSION
As the geopolitical landscape in Central Asia
evolves, the Organization of Turkic States has the
potential to serve as a unifying force among Turkic
peoples, allowing them to leverage shared cultural
and historical ties to address common challenges
and seize opportunities. Although the organization
was created for Turkey’s geopolitical purposes, it
plays an important role in balancing the
cooperation of Central Asian states with Russia,
China, the United States, and other regional actors,
and encourages the regional states to pursue a
multi-pronged foreign policy. Also, OTS has the
potential to play a decisive role in overcoming
transnational problems such as security, terrorism
and environmental problems that threaten the
stability of Central Asia. By promoting collective
strategies and frameworks for cooperation, the
organization enhances regional resilience against
these threats. At the same time, cooperation in the
defense sector helps strengthen the defense
capabilities of the countries of the region. Although
Turkey and the OTS’s influence in Central Asia is
not as strong as the region’s global competitors,
Russia, China, and the United States, it is hoped that
Turkey and the OTS will play a supporting role in
negotiating and trading with these global
competitors, and in the same way, the OTS will help
Turkey have a say in its foreign policy on regional
and global issues.
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