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"RED RUSSIANS IN TURKESTAN" PUBLICATION BY AHMAD NAIM
R.Muxtorov
Teacher at the Fergana medical institute of public health.
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15515238
Annotation
This thesis examines the publication by Ahmad Naim titled "Red Russians in
Turkestan."
Key words and phrases:
Turkestan National Unity, Soviet press, criticism,
Jadids, dictatorship, nation, economic discrimination, bolsheviks, liberation.
After Uzbekistan gained independence, new opportunities opened up for
domestic historians to objectively and comprehensively reinterpret the events
that took place in Central Asia in the early XX century. With the removal of
ideological restrictions, scholars gained access to previously unavailable foreign
sources — newspapers, magazines, memoirs, and academic works published
outside the former Soviet Union — in order to reconstruct the true history of
their homeland.
Among such sources, the journal New Turkestan, published in Istanbul with
its first issue released in June 1927, holds particular significance. This
publication became an important platform for members of the “Turkestan
National Unity” (TNU) organization, which voiced strong criticism of Soviet
power and defended the idea of an independent Turkestan. The TNU included
prominent emigres from Central Asia: Mustafa Chokay, Zeki Velidi Togan,
Usmonkhoja Polatkhojaev, Ahmed Naim, Abdulqadir Inon, Abullazoda Tavakkul,
and other figures whose names are now attracting the close attention of
researchers .
In this work, I would like to focus on the article by Ahmed Naim titled Red
Russians in Turkestan, published in the September–October issue of Yeni
Türkistan (New Turkestan) in 1928, as a valuable historical document reflecting
the Turkestani emigre position toward Bolshevik policy in the region. In his
article, Ahmed Naim attempts to expose the essence of Soviet power in Central
Asia, portraying it as a continuation of Russian colonial domination under a new
ideological guise.
Ahmed Naim begins with a critique of the Soviet press, which he
characterizes as the main instrument of Bolshevik influence not only within the
country but also on the international stage. According to him, despite the Soviet
newspapers’ constant attempts to expose the political flaws of other countries,
there is no freedom of speech within the Soviet Union itself, and any criticism of
the party and government is strictly suppressed. The author emphasizes: “The
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Red Russians do not even allow a discussion of their own mistakes, yet they
eagerly attack other political systems.” He notes the obvious contradiction: if the
USSR considers itself entitled to criticize others, it must also be prepared to
accept criticism in return — which, as we know, did not happen.
Ahmed Naim pays particular attention to how Soviet propaganda portrays
its achievements. According to his account, the recent Bolshevik anniversary
celebrations were presented as a “triumph of the East” and even of the global
proletariat. This narrative, he says, was especially pushed in Turkestan, where
the festivities were depicted as nationwide rejoicing. However, the author
asserts that behind these celebratory slogans lies the reality of oppression and
violence that has continued for more than a decade. In his words, those who
truly understand the nature of Soviet policy cannot be deceived by this façade.
The central thesis of the article is the exposure of Soviet federalism. Naim
claims that after the formation of the Soviet Union, some observers hoped for
decentralization of power and increased autonomy for the republics. However,
in practice, the author argues, it was merely the reinforcement of the old
imperial mechanism under a new name. He writes that under the banner of the
“Central Asian Bureau” lies the same Russian control, and that Turkestan
remains, in fact, a colony. For this reason, Naim believes, the Turkestani
intelligentsia began a struggle against Red colonialism — a struggle that has
reached a level which even Moscow can no longer ignore.
The author provides examples of repression against those Turkestanis who
tried to defend their people’s interests even within the Communist Party
framework. He points to the expulsion of many figures from the party and
quotes a statement by Zelinsky, the head of Turkestan, who openly opposed
national self-determination. These words, Naim writes, reveal the true nature of
Soviet policy: “All Republics are subordinate colonies of Moscow.”
Special attention is paid to the case of Inamov — the Uzbek minister who
was removed from office for publicly stating that Uzbekistan did not wish to
remain a Russian colony . He also mentions the persecution of Kazakh
nationalists and the open calls for a “party purge” of Jadids, mullahs, and
reformers — which, in his view, demonstrates the strength of nationalist
tendencies within the system itself .
A particularly striking example, according to the author, was the action of a
Samarkand student, Ekber Mirza Rahim, who publicly left the party, calling it an
instrument of Moscow’s dictatorship. In his statement, he condemned the
Russification of the Turkestani administration and the export of the region’s
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resources to Russia. This incident, even reported in the Soviet newspaper Red
Uzbekistan, is regarded by Naim as vivid evidence of the awakening of political
consciousness even among the youth within the system.
A significant part of the article is devoted to economic discrimination. Naim
observes that in key sectors of Turkestan — industry, transport, and
communications — Russians dominate, while the local population is pushed into
secondary roles. There is widespread ethnic discrimination taking place in
Turkestan. In industry and the railway sector, the overwhelming majority of
workers are Russians, while native Turkestanis are only permitted to hold the
lowest-level positions.
Official Soviet data:
In trade: 26,815 Russian officials vs. 9,683 Turkestanis
In the railway sector: 30,783 Russians vs. 2,493 Turkestanis
In postal and telegraph services: 3,000 Russians vs. 300 Turkestanis
Although Russians make up no more than 5% of Turkestan’s population,
they occupy all key economic positions .
In conclusion, Ahmed Naim argues that Soviet power in Turkestan is merely
a continuation of Russian colonial policy under a new signboard. The slogans of
freedom and equality, he writes, mask oppression, forced Russification,
repression, and cultural suppression. He is convinced that only struggle can lead
to liberation.
The article ends with a fiery slogan:
“Long live the independence of Turkestan! Death to Russian colonialism!”
Regardless of one’s assessment, these words reflect the spirit of the time,
the tension of the era, and the readiness of the Turkestani emigres to fight for
national liberation. For us, researchers today, such texts serve as valuable
sources that allow us to better understand the sentiments and ideals of those
who found themselves on the other side of the “Iron Curtain” in the struggle for
the freedom of their people.
References:
1.Ahmed Naim. Red Russians in Turkestan // Yeni Turkiston (1927-1931) sayi
14-15 (Eylül-Erkim, 1928) - S. 20-25;
2.A look at the activities of Osman Khoja in the USSR. M.A.Mannonjonovich,
S.Qurbon. E-Conference, 2021. papers.econferenceglobe.com
3.Ahad Andijon. Turkiston uchun kurash. Birinchi jild: ilmiy-ommabop. – T.:
Tafakkur, 2017. – B. 407.
4.Usmonxo‘ja Pulatxo‘jayevning Yangi Turkiston jurnali va uning matbuotchilik
faoliyati. Tarix fanlari bo‘yicha magisterlik dissertasiyasi.- Farg‘ona, 2025 - B. 93.
