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THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS IN STRENGTHENING
WOMEN’S LEGAL PROTECTION AND SOCIAL STATUS: THE CASE
OF UZBEKISTAN
Kamola Alieva
Associate Professor, Tashkent State University of Law
PhD in Law, Gender Equality Expert
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.16938678
Abstract
International legal standards have become a cornerstone in the global effort
to eliminate gender-based discrimination and violence. This article examines
how key international instruments – notably the
Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
influence national legal frameworks, with a focus on Uzbekistan. It outlines
CEDAW’s broad obligations comprehensive approach to violence against
women, and analyzes their worldwide impact on domestic legislation and
discourse. The article then traces Uzbekistan’s integration of these norms: from
the 1995 ratification of CEDAW and constitutional gender equality guarantees,
to landmark national laws on gender equality and protection from violence
(2019), criminalization of domestic abuse (2023), and adoption of a 2030
Gender Equality Strategy. Despite significant reforms, persistent challenges –
social stereotypes, enforcement gaps, and resource limitations – hinder full
realization of women’s rights. The conclusion emphasizes that international law
has been a catalyst for progress in Uzbekistan, but sustained commitment,
institutional strengthening, and civic engagement are essential to bridge the gap
between formal rights and lived reality.
Keywords:
International Law, CEDAW, Women’s Rights, Gender Equality,
Uzbekistan, Domestic Violence, Legal Reform
Introduction
Across the world, women continue to face discrimination and gender-based
violence despite decades of advocacy and reform. The urgency of addressing
these issues has led to the development of robust international standards aimed
at advancing women’s rights and eliminating violence. Instruments such as
CEDAW and the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention have set
universal and
regional benchmarks
for gender equality and protection from violence. They
not only articulate fundamental principles – like nondiscrimination and the
recognition of violence against women as a human rights violation – but also
exert pressure on states to
align national laws and policies with these norms
.
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The relevance of this topic is evident in the global statistics: for example,
about one in three women worldwide has experienced physical or sexual
violence in her lifetime[1]. Such pervasive abuse, rooted in gender inequality,
demands responses at all levels of governance. International conventions
provide a common framework for action, creating obligations that transcend
borders and cultural differences. However, the impact of these standards
ultimately depends on their incorporation and enforcement within domestic
legal systems. Some countries have swiftly adopted comprehensive protections,
while others have been slower, often due to social and political resistance.
This article’s goal is to examine
how international standards shape
national legislation
, using Uzbekistan as a case study. Uzbekistan, a post-
Soviet, predominantly Muslim society, offers a compelling example of a country
undergoing rapid legal reforms in the field of women’s rights. Since gaining
independence in 1991, it has gradually embraced global norms – evidenced by
its ratification of CEDAW in 1995 and numerous gender-focused laws and
policies in recent years. By analyzing the evolution of Uzbekistan’s legal
framework alongside international developments, we can better understand the
interactive influence between international norms and domestic law
. The
discussion begins with an overview of CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention, then
assesses their global impact. It then chronicles Uzbekistan’s integration of these
standards and the progress achieved, followed by an honest look at
implementation challenges. A comparative perspective highlights how
Uzbekistan’s experience contrasts with that of other countries in the region and
beyond. In concluding, the article reflects on the catalytic role of international
law and offers recommendations to ensure that legal advances translate into
real improvements in women’s lives.
International Standards for the Protection of Women’s Rights
CEDAW: A Universal Framework for Women’s Rights
Adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1979 and in force since
1981,
CEDAW
is often described as an international bill of rights for women[2].
It is a comprehensive treaty that requires state parties to eliminate
discrimination against women in all spheres of life – political, economic, social,
cultural, civil, and beyond. Article 1 of CEDAW defines
“discrimination against
women”
broadly as
“any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of
sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition,
enjoyment or exercise by women, on a basis of equality of men and women, of
human rights and fundamental freedoms”
[3][4]. This sweeping definition
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encompasses both intentional and de facto discrimination, recognizing that laws
and practices neutral in form can still harm women’s equality. Crucially, CEDAW
targets not only official laws and policies but also societal attitudes: Article 5
obliges states to modify social and cultural patterns that reinforce gender
stereotypes and women’s subordination[5]. In this way, CEDAW seeks to achieve
substantive equality
, requiring positive measures to ensure women can enjoy
their rights in practice, not just formal equality on paper.
State parties to CEDAW assume
far-reaching obligations
. They must
enshrine gender equality in their national constitutions or legislation, repeal
discriminatory laws, and enact new provisions to protect women’s rights^[1]^ –
ranging from equal political participation and education to employment rights,
healthcare access, and equality in marriage and family relations. Governments
are also required to establish tribunals or other public institutions to guarantee
the effective protection of women against discrimination[6]. To monitor
implementation, CEDAW created the
Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women
, a div of independent experts that reviews
periodic reports from states and issues recommendations. Although CEDAW
lacks a strong enforcement mechanism beyond reporting and inquiry
procedures, it has developed a significant jurisprudence through the
Committee’s
General Recommendations
and views on individual complaints (for
states that accepted the 1999 Optional Protocol). Notably, General
Recommendation 19 (1992) and the updated General Recommendation 35
(2017) explicitly recognize gender-based violence as a form of discrimination
prohibited by the Convention, thus clarifying that
violence against women
must be addressed by states as part of their CEDAW obligations
[7].
In the four decades since its inception, CEDAW has achieved
near-
universal ratification
. To date, 189 out of 193 UN member states are party to
the Convention[2], reflecting an almost global consensus on the principles it
espouses. This universal reach has had a profound impact. Many countries have
aligned their domestic laws with CEDAW’s requirements: for example,
constitutions have been amended to prohibit gender discrimination, and
numerous states have passed legislation guaranteeing equal rights in areas like
inheritance, nationality, and employment in order to comply with CEDAW’s
mandates[8][9]. The Convention has also catalyzed the creation of national
institutions such as women’s affairs ministries or gender equality commissions
to oversee implementation[8]. Importantly, CEDAW has provided civil society
activists and reformers worldwide with a powerful advocacy tool – a set of
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internationally recognized norms to which they can hold their governments
accountable. Non-governmental organizations frequently cite CEDAW in pushing
for legal reforms (such as laws against domestic violence or sexual harassment)
and in strategic litigation to advance women’s rights.
Despite its strengths,
CEDAW’s implementation has faced challenges
.
Dozens of states have entered reservations to substantive provisions of the
treaty, often invoking religious or traditional grounds to limit their
obligations[10][11]. Common reservations have related to Article 16 (equality in
marriage and family life) due to conflict with Sharia-based personal status laws
in some countries, as well as Article 29 (treaty dispute resolution) which many
states chose not to accept[12]. While permitted under international law,
sweeping reservations arguably undermine the universality of CEDAW’s norms.
Moreover, enforcement relies heavily on domestic political will. CEDAW’s
Committee reviews can expose gaps and issue recommendations, but they
cannot impose penalties for non-compliance. In practice, compliance varies
widely. Some countries have fully incorporated CEDAW into domestic law and
even make it directly justiciable in courts, whereas others lag in implementation
or treat CEDAW as aspirational. The absence of robust enforcement means that
progress often depends on sustained
government commitment and civil
society pressure
[13]. Indeed, the gap between CEDAW’s standards and the
reality on the ground remains a pressing concern – many women in CEDAW-
adherent states still struggle to exercise their rights due to factors like weak
enforcement mechanisms, patriarchal norms, and lack of awareness.
Nonetheless, CEDAW’s legacy is significant. It has entrenched a global
understanding that women’s rights are human rights and that gender-based
discrimination is unacceptable. It introduced a common
legal language of
gender equality
that did not exist at the same breadth before – terms and
concepts like indirect discrimination, gender stereotypes, and affirmative action
entered national dialogues via CEDAW. The Convention also laid the
groundwork for later, more focused initiatives on violence against women. For
example, the UN General Assembly’s 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence against Women and regional treaties drew on CEDAW’s framework. In
summary, CEDAW has been a foundational international standard that has both
normative and practical influence in strengthening women’s legal protections
globally.
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Global Impact of International Conventions
International conventions like CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention have
not only influenced individual countries but also helped shape a
global
consensus and common language
on women’s rights. One measure of impact
is the proliferation of domestic legislation addressing issues that were once
ignored.
Domestic violence laws
are a prime example. In 1990, only a handful
of countries had specific laws against domestic violence; by 2023, due in large
part to international advocacy and normative pressure, an overwhelming
majority do. In fact, it is estimated that
9 in 10 people worldwide now live in
countries with legal provisions to combat domestic violence
, a dramatic reversal
from 20 years ago when 80% of the world’s population was in countries lacking
such laws[34]. This rapid legal change correlates with the period of CEDAW’s
influence (which since the 1990s has repeatedly urged states to address violence
against women) and regional efforts like the Inter-American Convention of
Belém do Pará (1994) and the Istanbul Convention (2011) in Europe.
Examples of legislative change abound across different regions
. In
Latin America, CEDAW and subsequent regional treaties prompted almost every
country to enact laws on domestic violence or femicide and to recognize
women’s right to a life free from violence in their constitutions. In South Asia,
countries such as India and Bangladesh adopted laws against dowry violence
and acid attacks, drawing on CEDAW’s framework that discrimination includes
gender-based violence. In Africa, even before the African Union’s Maputo
Protocol on women’s rights (2003) came into force, CEDAW had inspired legal
reforms like Namibia’s Combating of Domestic Violence Act (2003) and South
Africa’s Domestic Violence Act (1998).
CEDAW’s reporting process
often
served as a trigger: governments, anticipating questions from the CEDAW
Committee, passed reforms to show progress. For example, after receiving
CEDAW recommendations, several states in the Middle East and North Africa
reformed nationality laws to allow women to pass citizenship to their children,
and toughened penalties for “honor” crimes[35].
International standards have also contributed to the
harmonization of
legal concepts and language
. Terms such as “gender-based violence,” “sexual
harassment,” and “trafficking in persons” acquired widely accepted legal
definitions through international instruments and have been written into
domestic statutes around the world. The idea that violence against women is not
a private family affair but a public concern and a human rights violation is now
prevalent in global and national discourse, a shift that can be credited to the
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advocacy surrounding documents like the 1993 UN Declaration on Violence
against Women and the Istanbul Convention’s example[31]. Courts in various
countries have begun to cite CEDAW and other international norms in their
decisions. For instance, the Supreme Courts of countries as diverse as Colombia,
South Africa, India, and the Philippines have referenced CEDAW or its general
recommendations when interpreting women’s rights under national law.
Another area of impact is the
creation of institutional mechanisms and
action plans
. The momentum from international conventions contributed to the
spread of national gender equality strategies, inter-agency commissions on
women’s issues, and parliamentary committees on gender. By 2020, most UN
member states had some form of national action plan or strategy to combat
violence against women, often explicitly referencing CEDAW compliance or
alignment with the goals of the Istanbul Convention or the UN Sustainable
Development Goal 5 on gender equality. These frameworks help coordinate
efforts across ministries (justice, interior, health, education, etc.) and often
involve partnerships with NGOs, echoing the holistic approach mandated by
instruments like the Istanbul Convention.
However, the
global diffusion of norms
is not a linear or uniform process.
There have been instances of norm “pushback” – yet even the pushback
indicates the powerful reach of these conventions. For example, when some
leaders claim that
“gender equality”
or
“gender”
concepts in international texts
are against local values, they are in effect acknowledging the strong presence of
those concepts in global policy. In some cases, international standards have
emboldened local activists to demand changes that challenge long-standing
customs. In others, governments have engaged in a form of
“tick-box”
compliance – enacting laws to meet international expectations without full
commitment to enforcement. This dynamic underscores that while conventions
provide the tools and the pressure for change, domestic actors determine how
transformative that change will be.
In sum, the global impact of CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention is evident
in the near universality of legal norms on women’s equality and violence
prevention. They have fostered a transnational women’s rights movement
speaking a common legal language and have paved the way for subsequent
developments (for instance, discussions at the UN of a possible new treaty on
violence against women, or the integration of gender-based violence prevention
into the mandates of international bodies like the UN Security Council in the
context of peace and security). The next section examines how these
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international currents have specifically influenced
Uzbekistan’s legal and
policy landscape
, illustrating the interaction between global norms and
national context.
Uzbekistan’s Path of Integration
Uzbekistan’s journey in strengthening legal protections for women over the
past three decades exemplifies how international standards can guide and
inspire national reforms.
Uzbekistan joined CEDAW in 1995
, not long after
becoming an independent nation. It acceded to the Convention on 19 July 1995,
signaling a commitment to align with global norms on gender equality[36][37].
This early ratification meant that Uzbekistan bound itself to CEDAW’s
comprehensive obligations at a time when its own legal system was still
transitioning from Soviet-era frameworks. One immediate effect was the
inclusion of gender equality principles in the 1992 Constitution. The Uzbek
Constitution (as recently amended in 2023) contains explicit guarantees of
women’s equal rights. Article 58 provides that
“Women and men shall have equal
rights”
and mandates the state to ensure equal opportunities for both in all
spheres of life[38]. Additionally, Article 19 of the Constitution recognizes and
guarantees human rights and freedoms in accordance with generally accepted
international norms[39] – a clause that effectively elevates treaties like CEDAW
to an important position in the hierarchy of norms. These constitutional
provisions set the tone for subsequent legislation, embedding the concept that
discrimination based on sex is impermissible and that international standards
are to inform domestic law.
For many years after CEDAW ratification, Uzbekistan’s legal changes in the
field of women’s rights were gradual. The government periodically submitted
reports to the CEDAW Committee and received recommendations, for instance
on combating stereotypes, increasing women’s political participation, and
addressing domestic violence. However, comprehensive stand-alone laws on
gender equality or domestic violence were absent in the 1990s and early 2000s.
Policies existed, and some provisions in the Labour Code and Family Code
offered formal equality, but enforcement was weak. It was not until the late
2010s that Uzbekistan undertook
sweeping legislative reforms
, in part
spurred by both internal advocacy and external guidance from international
organizations.
A landmark moment came in
2019
, when the Uzbek Parliament passed two
major laws: the
Law “On Guarantees of Equal Rights and Opportunities for
Women and Men”
(No. ZRU-562) and the
Law “On Protection of Women from
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Harassment and Violence”
(No. ZRU-561)^[2]^.[40][41] The first can be seen
as a framework gender equality law. It establishes the legal basis for ensuring
women and men have equal rights and opportunities in politics, economics,
social life, and family relations. Notably, it introduced mechanisms like
“gender
legal expertise”
– requiring that draft legislation be reviewed for gender impact
and discriminatory effects[42]. It also formalized institutional roles, such as
empowering a national div (eventually the
Commission on Gender Equality
,
headed by the Chair of the Senate) to coordinate gender policy[43]. The second
law – often referred to as the law on protection from domestic violence – was
Uzbekistan’s first dedicated legislation addressing gender-based violence. It
provided definitions of various forms of abuse (physical, sexual, emotional,
economic) and set up protective measures such as restraining orders
(protection orders), police supervision of abusers, and the establishment of
support centers for survivors[44][45]. Under this law, victims of harassment or
violence can obtain a
protective order
from internal affairs bodies, which can
prohibit the perpetrator from certain actions or from contacting the victim[46].
Violating a protection order carries legal consequences. The law also obliges
authorities to conduct preventive work with perpetrators (such as requiring
them to attend behavior correction programs)[44]. These 2019 laws were a
direct response to CEDAW Committee recommendations and were developed
with technical support from UN agencies and experts, ensuring they reflected
international best practices[47][48].
The impact of the 2019 violence protection law was immediate in some
respects. Within the first year of its implementation, thousands of women
sought and received protection orders – an indicator of both demand for
protection and growing trust in new legal remedies. By official reports, as
mentioned, over 21,000 protection orders were issued in 2023’s first seven
months alone[33]. Additionally, the government opened a network of shelters
and rehabilitation centers across the country. Initially, around 197
“rehabilitation and adaptation centers”
were noted as established by 2020,
though that number appears to have been consolidated or streamlined to 29
operational centers by 2022[22][49]. These centers provide services such as
medical assistance, psychological counseling, and vocational training for
survivors – critical support to help women rebuild their lives after abuse. Law
enforcement agencies also began to receive training on the new provisions, often
in collaboration with international organizations like UNDP and OSCE which
conducted workshops on handling domestic violence cases[50][51].
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Another significant reform area has been the
criminalization of domestic
violence
. Previously, Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code did not have a specific offense
of “domestic violence.” Incidents of physical abuse in the family could be
prosecuted under general assault statutes or handled as administrative
(misdemeanor) violations, which often meant minor penalties. Following
advocacy by local activists (notably the
Nemolchi.uz
movement) and guidance
from CEDAW and other international bodies, Uzbekistan moved to strengthen its
penal framework. In
April 2023
, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed a set of
legislative amendments that, among other things, introduced domestic violence
as a distinct criminal offense[52][53]. With these changes, acts of domestic
violence – particularly repeated or severe physical harm within the family – are
now subject to criminal prosecution rather than just administrative fines. The
2023 amendments also closed loopholes that had allowed perpetrators of sexual
violence to escape full punishment (for example, by eliminating provisions that
allowed “reconciliation” to halt prosecution, and removing the possibility of
mitigating circumstances for perpetrators of serious sexual offenses)[54].
Marital rape was implicitly addressed by clarifying that sexual intercourse
without consent is a crime regardless of marital relationship, and forced
sterilization or forcing a partner to terminate a pregnancy were
criminalized[55]. These reforms placed Uzbekistan in line with regional peers
like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, which had earlier criminalized domestic
abuse[56]. They also represent a fulfillment of long-standing CEDAW Committee
recommendations to explicitly penalize domestic violence and treat it as a
serious crime.
In tandem with legal changes, Uzbekistan has launched policy initiatives
reflecting international standards. In September 2019, the government adopted
a
National Strategy on Achieving Gender Equality
for the period up to
2030[57][58]. This comprehensive strategy, developed in consultation with
UNDP, UNFPA and other partners, sets targets across various domains:
increasing women’s participation in decision-making, ensuring equal access to
education and health, eradicating discrimination and violence, and changing
societal attitudes. It aligns with the UN Sustainable Development Goals and
CEDAW obligations. As part of its implementation, the country has created
indicators to monitor progress – for example, the Central Election Commission
now tracks the gender balance of candidates and elected officials at all levels to
promote women’s political inclusion[59]. In 2022, a Presidential decree
established a national
“Program for Increasing Women’s Activity in All
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Spheres 2022–2026”
, introducing measures like a 4% university admissions
quota for women from vulnerable groups, extended maternity leave benefits,
and interest-free loans for women’s education[60][61]. Furthermore, to oversee
and coordinate all these efforts,
institutional mechanisms
were strengthened:
a
Senate Committee on Women and Gender Equality
was formed, headed by
senior legislators, and the government upgraded the former Women’s
Committee into a full Ministry-level agency (the State Committee on Family and
Women)[43][62]. These bodies work alongside the national Commission on
Gender Equality to ensure that gender policy is integrated across government.
The cumulative effect of these steps is evident in the changing landscape of
women’s status in Uzbekistan. Women’s political representation, for instance,
has markedly improved. After the 2019 parliamentary elections, women held
32% of seats in the Legislative Chamber (lower house) and 25% in the
Senate[63]. Following continued efforts and the 2024 elections, women’s share
rose to 38% in the Legislative Chamber and 27% in the Senate[64] – placing
Uzbekistan among the leading countries in the region for female parliamentary
representation. In the executive branch, too, more women are serving in
leadership roles than ever before, supported by initiatives like the “Women’s
Leadership School” which trained a cadre of aspiring female officials[65].
Economically, the removal of discriminatory labor rules (such as the abolition of
the Soviet-era list of jobs prohibited for women, which was accomplished in
2019) has legally opened all professions to women[66]. And social supports
have been introduced that recognize women’s disproportionate family
caregiving roles – for example, expanding state-funded childcare and extending
pension credits for time spent raising children[61].
International observers have taken note of Uzbekistan’s progress. The
World Bank’s Women, Business and the Law index and other gender indices
have recorded improvements. According to Uzbek officials, the country in recent
years climbed 51 places in the Gender Equality and Governance Index, now
ranking 52nd[67]. The government often references its international
commitments in justifying reforms. For instance, when criminalizing domestic
violence, lawmakers cited not only internal needs but also Uzbekistan’s
adherence to recommendations from UN human rights mechanisms and its
ambition to meet global standards[68][69].
It should be acknowledged that Uzbekistan has not (as of 2025) acceded to
the Istanbul Convention – not being a member of the Council of Europe, it is not
among the original audience of that treaty. However, the spirit and many specific
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provisions of the Istanbul Convention are mirrored in Uzbekistan’s new laws.
For example, the 2019 “Protection from Harassment and Violence” law
recognizes
domestic violence
explicitly and provides for protective orders and
shelters, much as the Istanbul Convention prescribes[70][46]. The 2023 criminal
law amendments make domestic violence a criminal offense and marital rape
punishable, reflecting key elements of the Convention’s requirements[71]. In
public statements, Uzbek officials have described the Istanbul Convention as an
important model and indicated interest in learning from its implementation in
other countries[24]. Thus, even absent formal accession, the
normative
influence of the Istanbul Convention
is apparent in Uzbekistan’s policy
discourse and choices. In effect, Uzbekistan is voluntarily aligning its domestic
framework with international best practices on combating gender-based
violence – a testament to the pull of those standards.
In conclusion, Uzbekistan’s path showcases how a combination of
international influence and domestic initiative
can yield significant
advancements. From constitutional principles to concrete laws on domestic
violence and gender equality, the country has made strides that were hard to
imagine a generation ago. These changes were not purely internally driven; they
were accelerated by the country’s engagement with international treaties like
CEDAW, the recommendations of treaty bodies, and the examples set by other
nations. Yet, adopting laws is only half the battle, as the next section on
implementation challenges will discuss. Uzbekistan’s case confirms that while
international standards can set the direction and pace of reform, the ultimate
test lies in how those standards are put into practice within the national social
context.
Conclusion
Uzbekistan’s experience demonstrates the
catalytic role of international
law
in advancing women’s legal protection and status. Global standards like
CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention have provided both the impetus and the
blueprint for many of the reforms undertaken in the country. They have helped
Uzbekistan, as with many nations, to articulate the principle that women and
men are equal under the law and to recognize issues like domestic violence as
serious societal wrongs rather than private matters. The process of translating
those principles into reality, however, is ongoing and complex.
As this article has detailed, Uzbekistan has made significant strides:
incorporating gender equality in its Constitution, enacting modern laws against
gender discrimination and violence, criminalizing domestic abuse, and setting
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up strategies and institutions dedicated to women’s empowerment. These steps
align closely with international recommendations and illustrate a positive
feedback loop – international norms influencing national law, which in turn
contributes to the global momentum when successfully implemented. The
comparison with other countries reveals that Uzbekistan is neither alone in its
struggles nor its progress; there is a
global community of practice
from which
it can continue to learn (and to which it can eventually contribute lessons of its
own).
Yet, the reforms on paper have to withstand the test of implementation in
daily life. Laws change relatively quickly; social norms change slowly. To ensure
that a woman in a far-flung village genuinely feels the impact of these new
protections,
sustained political will
is paramount. This means not just adopting
laws, but funding the shelters, training the police, monitoring the courts, and
continuously publicizing a zero-tolerance message for gender-based violence
and discrimination. Political will must also manifest in willingness to confront
opposition – whether from conservative segments of society or bureaucratic
inertia – and to stay the course even when there are setbacks or criticism. In
Uzbekistan, maintaining this momentum will likely require continued
commitment from the highest levels of government, including the presidency
and parliament, as well as local authorities who often implement policies on the
ground.
Institutional reform is another critical piece. It is encouraging that
Uzbekistan has established commissions and committees on gender equality,
but these bodies need to be empowered and held accountable for results.
Capacity-building
for these institutions, possibly with international support,
can enhance their effectiveness. For instance, the new Gender Equality
Commission and the Senate Committee should have the expertise and authority
to review all new legislation for compliance with gender norms (much as the
introduced gender expertise mechanism intends), and to coordinate between
ministries like Internal Affairs, Justice, Health, and Education on holistic
approaches. The judiciary could consider specialized courts or designated judges
for domestic violence cases to improve expertise and sensitivity. Law
enforcement might benefit from units of officers (including women officers)
specialized in domestic violence response in every district. These kinds of
institutional measures help ensure that the spirit of the law is carried out
uniformly.
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Civic engagement and education
emerge as perhaps the most challenging
yet most necessary elements. Without a broad-based change in how society
views women’s rights, legal protections can only go so far. Therefore, efforts
must continue in educating the public – women and men, girls and boys – about
equality and mutual respect. School curricula can integrate modules on gender
equality and healthy relationships. Media campaigns and popular culture
(television, social media influencers, etc.) can be leveraged to challenge harmful
stereotypes. Collaborations with religious and community leaders can amplify
messages that preventing violence and respecting women is a shared value, not
a “western” concept imposed externally. The growing involvement of
Uzbekistan’s youth and social media activism (as seen in campaigns against
harassment) is a positive sign that new generations may embrace more
egalitarian views. The state should welcome and support such civic initiatives,
understanding that a vibrant civil society is an ally in achieving the goals set out
in law.
From a legal standpoint,
continuing to refine legislation
in line with best
practices will also help. Some areas for future improvement might include:
expanding the definition of discrimination in domestic law to cover indirect
discrimination formally (CEDAW’s influence can be seen here); explicitly
criminalizing marital rape as a separate offense or an aggravating circumstance
(if not already clear from general rape provisions); improving laws on sexual
harassment in workplaces and public places (Uzbekistan took a step by making
street harassment an administrative offense punishable by fines[74], but
workplace harassment could be addressed through labor law reforms and
enforcement mechanisms); and ensuring survivors of violence have avenues for
civil remedies (e.g., tort claims for damages) and not just criminal action.
Periodic review
of these laws with input from women’s groups can ensure they
remain effective and are amended as needed.
On the international front, Uzbekistan might consider formalizing its
commitment to global standards by moving toward accession of the Istanbul
Convention in the future. As noted, non-Council of Europe members can accede
with approval, and doing so would cement Uzbekistan’s standing as a regional
leader in combating violence against women. Even short of that, continuing
engagement with international human rights mechanisms – such as inviting the
UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women for a country visit, or
adopting international best practices manuals – can keep domestic efforts
aligned with global advances. Uzbekistan will also participate in reviews like the
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Universal Periodic Review at the UN, where it can showcase progress and
receive constructive critiques. By sharing experiences with and learning from
other countries (for instance, exchanging with Georgia or Spain on successful
shelter systems, or with Austria on its model of restraining orders), Uzbekistan
can accelerate improvements at home.
In conclusion,
international standards have been indispensable in
guiding Uzbekistan’s journey
to enhance women’s legal protection and social
status. They provided the foundation and external impetus for change. However,
the ultimate realization of women’s rights occurs locally – in courtrooms, police
stations, workplaces, and homes across Uzbekistan. Ensuring that every woman
can live free from violence and discrimination will require perseverance. It calls
for a
holistic approach
: legal reform must be coupled with genuine societal
transformation. Political will must translate into concrete budgetary and
administrative action. And the voices of women themselves – whether through
civil society, academia, or public service – should continue to inform and drive
the agenda. The case of Uzbekistan thus far offers reason for optimism: it shows
that with concerted effort, a country can indeed move closer to the ideals
enshrined in international conventions. The challenge and responsibility now is
to maintain that momentum, so that those international ideals become the
everyday reality for women and girls in Uzbekistan.
