Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
01
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
TYPE
Original Research
PAGE NO.
1-8
OPEN ACCESS
SUBMITED
02 April 2025
ACCEPTED
03 May 2025
PUBLISHED
01 June 2025
VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue06 2025
COPYRIGHT
© 2025 Original content from this work may be used under the terms
of the creative commons attributes 4.0 License.
Overcoming Disbelief:
Reforming Police
Procedures for Evidence
Collection in Sex Crime
Cases to Better Serve
Victims
Dr. Heather M. Hammonds
Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of New Orleans,
USA
Abstract:
This article critically analyzes the pervasive
issue of skepticism as a significant barrier to effective
evidence collection and justice for victims of sex crimes.
Despite advancements in forensic science and victim
support, the initial response from law enforcement,
often influenced by ingrained rape myths and biases,
can lead to victim disbelief, re-victimization, and
ultimately, a failure to secure crucial evidence. This
study synthesizes existing literature to explore how
skepticism manifests in police procedures, its
detrimental impact on victims' willingness to report and
engage with the justice system, and the subsequent
challenges in prosecuting sex crime cases. The findings
highlight that police perceptions of sexual assault
victims, often shaped by harmful stereotypes, directly
influence the quality of evidence collection and the
likelihood of a case being "unfounded." This analysis
advocates for a transformative shift in police
procedures, moving from a skeptical, blame-oriented
approach to a victim-centered, trauma-informed
framework. Recommendations include mandatory
comprehensive training on rape myths and trauma,
standardized empathetic interview techniques, robust
evidence collection protocols, and accountability
mechanisms to ensure that initial police response
prioritizes victim dignity, fosters trust, and facilitates the
effective collection of evidence essential for justice.
Keywords:
Skepticism, Evidence Collection, Sex Crime
Victims, Police Procedure, Rape Myths, Trauma-
Informed, Victim Blaming, Re-victimization, Law
Enforcement, Justice.
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
2
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
Introduction:
Sexual assault and other sex crimes represent
profound violations of an individual's autonomy and
dignity, leaving lasting physical, psychological, and
social scars [1]. For justice to be served, the effective
collection of evidence is paramount, yet this process
often begins with the victim's initial report to law
enforcement [2]. However, a significant and pervasive
barrier to this crucial first step, and indeed to the entire
justice process, is the skepticism frequently
encountered by victims from various service providers,
including police officers [3]. This skepticism is often
rooted in deeply ingrained societal beliefs known as
"rape myths"
—
prejudicial, stereotyped, or false
assumptions about sexual assault, its victims, and
perpetrators that serve to deny, downplay, or justify
sexual violence [4, 5].
When victims of sex crimes report their experiences,
they are often met with disbelief, victim-blaming, or a
lack of understanding regarding the complexities of
trauma responses [6, 7]. This can lead to a
phenomenon known as "secondary victimization" or
"re-victimization," where the victim experiences
further psychological distress and harm as a result of
the institutional response to their assault [8]. Such
negative experiences significantly impact a victim's
willingness to report the crime to the police in the first
place, with many choosing not to come forward due to
fear of not being believed, shame, or the perceived
futility of the process [9, 10, 11]. Even when reports are
made, police perceptions of sexual assault victims,
influenced by rape myths, can lead to cases being
"unfounded" or inadequately investigated, thereby
compromising evidence collection and the potential
for successful prosecution [4, 12, 13].
The integrity of evidence collection is critical for
building a strong case. However, if the initial police
response is tainted by skepticism, it can lead to missed
opportunities for securing crucial forensic, testimonial,
and circumstantial evidence. This article aims to
critically analyze the role of skepticism as a barrier to
effective evidence collection in sex crime cases. It will
explore how this skepticism manifests in police
procedures, its detrimental impact on victims, and the
subsequent challenges it poses to the justice system.
Ultimately,
this
analysis
seeks
to
propose
transformative procedural changes for receiving
reports from sex crime victims, advocating for a victim-
centered, trauma-informed approach that prioritizes
empathy, dignity, and the meticulous collection of
evidence to ensure justice.
Literature Review
The initial response of law enforcement to a report of
sexual assault is critical, as it sets the tone for the
victim's engagement with the criminal justice system
and significantly impacts the potential for evidence
collection and successful prosecution [14, 15]. However,
this initial interaction is frequently marred by skepticism
and the influence of rape myths among police officers
[4, 5].
2.1 Prevalence and Manifestations of Skepticism/Rape
Myths in Law Enforcement Research consistently
demonstrates the presence of rape myth acceptance
among law enforcement personnel [5, 16]. These myths
can manifest in various ways, including:
•
Victim Blaming: Police officers may implicitly or
explicitly blame victims for their assault, questioning
their actions, attire, or alcohol consumption [4, 6]. This
can lead to victims feeling that "nodiv deserves this"
and perceiving disbelief from the police [7].
•
"Real Rape" Stereotypes: Officers may hold
narrow conceptions of what constitutes "real rape,"
often involving a stranger, overt physical violence, and
immediate reporting, leading to skepticism when cases
deviate from these stereotypes [4, 13]. This can
particularly impact victims of acquaintance rape, date
violence, or those who experience delayed reporting [1,
17, 18].
•
Disbelief in Victim Accounts: Victims frequently
report experiences of not being believed by the police,
leading to cases being "unfounded" or dismissed [12].
This disbelief can also extend to male victims of sexual
violence, where the notion of a "boy, being a victim,
nodiv really buys that" can lead to inadequate
responses [19].
•
Misconceptions about Trauma and Memory: A
lack of understanding of trauma responses can lead
officers to misinterpret victims' behavior (e.g.,
emotional flatness, inconsistencies in recall) as
dishonesty, rather than as physiological reactions to
trauma [20, 21]. This can influence how witness
testimony is evaluated [22].
2.2 Consequences of Skepticism on Victim Reporting
and Engagement The impact of police skepticism and
victim blame on survivors is profound:
•
Reduced Reporting Rates: Fear of not being
believed, shame, and the anticipation of negative
reactions from law enforcement are significant
correlates for not reporting rape to the police [9, 10].
Many victims choose not to report due to these
concerns, leading to a substantial underreporting of
sexual assault [11, 23].
•
Re-victimization: When victims encounter
skepticism or blame from police, it constitutes a form of
secondary victimization, exacerbating their trauma and
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
3
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
undermining their trust in the justice system [6, 7]. This
can lead to further psychological distress and hinder
help-seeking behaviors [24, 25].
•
Disparities in Service Seeking: Skepticism can
also contribute to disparities in service seeking,
particularly for victims of drug- or alcohol-
facilitated/incapacitated rape, who may face
additional barriers to being believed [26].
2.3 Challenges in Evidence Collection Due to
Skepticism Skepticism directly compromises the
effectiveness of evidence collection:
•
Inadequate Questioning: Officers influenced
by rape myths may ask leading or accusatory questions
that re-traumatize victims, discourage full disclosure,
or fail to elicit crucial details necessary for investigation
[7, 27].
•
Missed Opportunities for Forensic Evidence: A
dismissive or skeptical initial response can lead to
delays in forensic examination or a failure to collect
critical physical evidence, which degrades over time
[14].
•
Poor Documentation: If an officer believes a
report is "made up" or "unfounded," the
documentation of the incident may be incomplete or
biased, weakening the potential for prosecution [4, 13,
28].
•
Victim
Withdrawal:
Victims
who
feel
disbelieved or re-victimized are more likely to
withdraw from the investigation, making it difficult to
pursue charges, even if initial evidence was collected
[15].
2.4 Towards a Trauma-Informed and Victim-Centered
Approach The literature increasingly advocates for a
paradigm shift in police response to sex crimes, moving
towards a trauma-informed and victim-centered
approach [8, 29]. This involves:
•
Understanding Trauma: Recognizing how
trauma affects memory, behavior, and emotional
responses, and adapting interview techniques
accordingly [20, 21, 27, 30].
•
Empathy and Dignity: Prioritizing the victim's
dignity and well-being throughout the process [31].
•
Specialized Training: Intensive training for
police officers on sexual offending, rape myths, and
victim-centered response has shown promise in
improving perceptions and practices [16, 32, 33].
•
New Investigative Models: Exploring and
implementing new models of sexual assault
investigation that emphasize victim support and
evidence-based practices [34].
This review highlights that skepticism is not merely an
attitudinal issue but a systemic barrier that
fundamentally undermines the justice process for sex
crime victims. Transforming police procedures requires
a comprehensive approach that addresses both
individual biases and institutional practices.
METHODOLOGY
This article employs a critical review and conceptual
analysis methodology to examine skepticism as a barrier
to evidence collection in sex crime cases and to propose
transformative procedural changes. This desk-based
research approach is suitable for synthesizing existing
knowledge, identifying gaps, and developing theoretical
or
practical
recommendations
based
on
a
comprehensive review of the literature.
3.1 Research Design A critical interpretive review design
was utilized. This approach allowed for an in-depth
examination of the complex interplay between societal
beliefs (rape myths), institutional practices (police
procedures), and their impact on individuals (sex crime
victims). It involved synthesizing findings from diverse
empirical studies, theoretical frameworks, and policy
analyses to construct a coherent argument for
procedural transformation.
3.2 Data Sources The study drew upon a wide range of
academic and professional literature published in peer-
reviewed journals, books, and reports. The data sources
included:
•
Empirical Studies: Quantitative and qualitative
research investigating police perceptions of sexual
assault victims, rape myth acceptance among law
enforcement, victim reporting behaviors, and the
impact of police response on victims.
•
Theoretical and Conceptual Papers: Articles
discussing trauma-informed care, victimology, feminist
criminology, and the social construction of sexual
violence.
•
Policy and Practice Guidelines: Documents
outlining best practices for sexual assault investigations,
victim interviewing, and evidence collection from
national and international police organizations, victim
advocacy groups, and legal bodies.
•
Systematic
Reviews
and
Meta-Analyses:
Overviews of existing research on rape myths, police
training, and victim experiences.
3.3 Data Collection Procedure Data collection involved a
systematic and iterative search strategy across various
academic databases (e.g., PubMed, PsycINFO, Web of
Science, JSTOR, Google Scholar) using keywords such as:
"rape myths," "police skepticism," "victim blaming,"
"sexual assault investigation," "trauma-informed
police," "evidence collection sex crimes," "victim re-
victimization," "police training sexual assault." The
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
4
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
search was not limited by geographical region to
capture a broad international perspective on the issue.
Articles were selected based on their relevance to the
core themes of skepticism, police procedure, evidence
collection, and victim experiences in sex crime cases.
Reference lists of key articles were also hand-searched
to identify additional relevant literature.
3.4 Data Analysis The collected literature was
subjected to a thematic analysis, focusing on
identifying recurring patterns, key concepts, and
significant arguments related to the research
questions. The analysis process involved:
1.
Familiarization: Thoroughly reading and re-
reading all selected articles to gain a comprehensive
understanding of the content.
2.
Initial Coding: Identifying and coding segments
of text that pertained to manifestations of skepticism,
its impacts on victims and evidence, and proposed
solutions or best practices.
3.
Searching for Themes: Grouping related codes
into
broader,
overarching
themes
(e.g.,
"Manifestations of Police Skepticism," "Consequences
for Victims," "Challenges to Evidence Collection,"
"Principles of Trauma-Informed Response").
4.
Reviewing Themes: Refining and defining the
themes, ensuring they were distinct, coherent, and
accurately represented the insights from the literature.
This involved mapping how skepticism mediates police
response to sexual assault [28].
5.
Synthesizing
Findings:
Integrating
the
identified themes to construct a coherent narrative
that addressed the research questions, highlighting
convergences, divergences, and gaps in the existing
knowledge.
6.
Developing Recommendations: Based on the
synthesized findings, formulating concrete and
actionable recommendations for transforming police
procedures, drawing upon best practices and
theoretical insights from the literature on trauma-
informed approaches [8, 29, 30]. The utility of
evidence-based directions in evaluating witness
testimony was also considered [22].
The analysis aimed to move beyond simply describing
the problem to critically evaluating existing practices
and proposing a transformative framework for
improved police response to sex crime victims.
RESULTS
The critical review of the literature revealed a
consistent
and
concerning
pattern
regarding
skepticism as a barrier to evidence collection in sex
crime cases. The findings are categorized into the
manifestations of skepticism, its impact on victims and
reporting, and the resulting challenges for evidence
collection.
4.1 Manifestations of Skepticism and Rape Myths in
Police Response Police officers' perceptions of sexual
assault victims are frequently influenced by rape myths
[4, 5, 16, 35]. These myths manifest in various ways
during the initial reporting and investigation phases:
•
Victim Blaming Attitudes: Officers may express
or implicitly hold beliefs that attribute blame to the
victim based on their behavior (e.g., alcohol
consumption, consensual sexual history, delayed
reporting) or appearance [4, 6, 28]. This leads to victims
perceiving disbelief and blame from the police [7].
•
"Real Rape" Stereotypes: There is a tendency
among some officers to operate with a narrow
definition of "real rape," often involving physical
resistance, visible injuries, and a stranger perpetrator [4,
13]. Cases that do not fit this stereotype, such as those
involving acquaintance rape, drug-facilitated assault, or
where the victim experienced "tonic immobility"
(involuntary freezing), are more likely to be met with
skepticism [1, 26].
•
Disbelief in Victim Accounts: A common
experience reported by victims is simply not being
believed by the police, leading to cases being classified
as "unfounded" [12]. This includes skepticism towards
male victims of sexual violence, where the idea of a male
being a victim is often not "bought" by responders [19].
•
Misunderstanding of Trauma Responses: Police
often lack adequate training in trauma-informed care,
leading to misinterpretations of a victim's emotional
state (e.g., calm demeanor, inconsistencies in memory)
as indicators of dishonesty rather than as normal
responses to trauma [20, 21]. This impacts how
investigative interviews are conducted and how trauma
narratives are understood [27, 30].
4.2 Impact on Victims and Reporting Behavior The
manifestations of skepticism have severe consequences
for victims and their willingness to engage with the
justice system:
•
Underreporting: Fear of not being believed,
shame, and the anticipation of negative reactions from
police are primary reasons why victims choose not to
report sexual assault [9, 10, 11]. This contributes to the
significant gap between the prevalence of sexual assault
and reported cases [23].
•
Re-victimization/Secondary
Trauma:
Encountering skepticism, victim-blaming, or insensitive
questioning from police constitutes a form of re-
victimization, compounding the original trauma and
causing further psychological distress [6, 7, 8]. This can
lead to victims withdrawing from the process or being
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
5
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
unwilling to pursue charges [15].
•
Deterrence from Help-Seeking: The negative
experiences with law enforcement can deter victims
from seeking other crucial support services, including
medical
care
and
psychological
counseling,
exacerbating their long-term recovery challenges [24,
25, 26].
4.3 Challenges for Evidence Collection and Prosecution
Skepticism directly undermines the effectiveness of
evidence collection and the potential for successful
prosecution:
•
Compromised Initial Interviews: Skeptical
officers may conduct inadequate or biased initial
interviews, failing to ask appropriate questions that
elicit crucial details or to establish rapport with the
victim. This can lead to incomplete or inaccurate victim
statements, which are vital for evidence [7, 27].
•
Missed Forensic Opportunities: Delays in
reporting due to skepticism, or an officer's failure to
prioritize prompt forensic examination, can lead to the
degradation or loss of critical physical evidence [14].
•
Inadequate Documentation: When officers are
skeptical, their documentation of the incident may be
superficial, biased, or incomplete, failing to capture all
relevant details and potentially weakening the case for
prosecutors [13, 28].
•
"Unfounded" Cases: Rape myths manifesting
in police records and decision-making processes can
lead to cases being classified as "unfounded" (meaning
the police believe the crime did not occur as reported),
effectively closing the investigation prematurely and
preventing evidence from being fully collected or
utilized [12, 13].
•
Challenges in Prosecution: Even if a case
proceeds, the initial skepticism and poor evidence
collection can create significant hurdles for
prosecutors, making it difficult to secure convictions.
Jurors may also be influenced by similar rape myths
[22].
These results collectively demonstrate that skepticism
is a systemic barrier that not only harms victims but
also directly impedes the criminal justice system's
ability to effectively investigate and prosecute sex
crimes.
DISCUSSION
The findings of this critical review unequivocally
highlight that skepticism, often fueled by deeply
ingrained rape myths, poses a fundamental barrier to
effective evidence collection and the pursuit of justice
for victims of sex crimes. The pervasive nature of these
beliefs within law enforcement agencies, as evidenced
by studies on police perceptions and rape myth
acceptance [4, 5, 16, 35], creates a hostile environment
that profoundly impacts victims' willingness to report
and their subsequent engagement with the criminal
justice system.
The detrimental consequences for victims are severe,
extending beyond the initial assault to include
secondary victimization, psychological distress, and a
reluctance to seek crucial help [6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 24, 25].
When victims are met with disbelief or blame, their
dignity is undermined [31], and their trust in the very
institutions designed to protect them is eroded. This
breakdown of trust is particularly problematic given the
vulnerability inherent in reporting such a deeply
personal and traumatic experience. The challenges are
even more pronounced for often marginalized groups,
such as male victims, whose experiences may be met
with even greater skepticism due to prevailing societal
norms [19].
From an evidence collection standpoint, skepticism is
catastrophic. If the initial police response is influenced
by biases, it can lead to inadequate interviews, missed
opportunities for forensic examination, and incomplete
documentation [7, 13, 14, 27, 28]. This directly
compromises the quality and quantity of evidence
available for prosecution, making it significantly harder
to build a strong case. The phenomenon of "unfounded"
cases, where police decide that a reported sexual
assault did not occur, is a direct manifestation of this
skepticism, effectively shutting down investigations and
denying victims justice [12, 13]. This is not merely a
procedural oversight but a systemic issue rooted in
attitudinal biases that prevent the justice system from
"taking victims seriously" [32].
The imperative for transformation is clear. A paradigm
shift is needed, moving away from a default position of
skepticism to one of victim-centered, trauma-informed
response [8, 29]. This shift requires a fundamental re-
education of law enforcement personnel, challenging
ingrained rape myths and fostering a deep
understanding of the neurobiology of trauma and its
impact on memory and behavior [20, 21, 27, 30].
Training programs that focus on improving police
officers' perceptions of sexual offending and
implementing new investigative models have shown
promise [16, 33, 34].
Beyond training, procedural reforms are essential.
Standardized, empathetic interview techniques that
prioritize victim dignity and safety are crucial for eliciting
accurate and comprehensive trauma narratives [27, 30,
31]. Robust protocols for forensic evidence collection,
ensuring timely and sensitive examinations, must be
universally adopted. Furthermore, accountability
mechanisms must be in place to address instances of
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
6
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
unprofessional conduct or the perpetuation of rape
myths by officers. The ultimate goal is to create an
environment where victims feel safe, believed, and
supported, enabling them to fully participate in the
justice process and ensuring that all available evidence
is meticulously collected to hold perpetrators
accountable.
CONCLUSION
This critical analysis has demonstrated that skepticism,
deeply rooted in pervasive rape myths, constitutes a
profound barrier to effective evidence collection and
justice for victims of sex crimes. This skepticism,
manifesting in victim-blaming attitudes, "real rape"
stereotypes, and a misunderstanding of trauma
responses, leads to severe consequences for survivors,
including
underreporting,
re-victimization,
and
compromised investigations. The study concludes that
current police procedures, when influenced by such
biases, fundamentally impede the justice system's
ability to effectively respond to and prosecute sex
crimes. A transformative shift towards a victim-
centered, trauma-informed approach is not merely
desirable but essential to uphold justice and protect
human rights.
Based
on
these
findings,
the
following
recommendations are put forth to reform police
procedures on receiving reports from sex crime
victims:
For Law Enforcement Agencies and Training
Academies:
1.
Mandatory Comprehensive Trauma-Informed
Training: Implement mandatory, ongoing, and in-
depth training for all police personnel (from frontline
responders to investigators and supervisors) on the
dynamics of sexual assault, the neurobiology of
trauma, the impact of rape myths, and victim-centered
response principles. This training should be regularly
updated and evaluated for effectiveness [16, 29, 33].
2.
Challenge Rape Myths Explicitly: Training
programs must explicitly address and debunk common
rape myths, highlighting their detrimental impact on
victims and the justice process. Officers should be
trained to recognize and challenge their own implicit
biases [4, 5].
3.
Standardized
Victim-Centered
Interview
Protocols: Develop and implement standardized
interview protocols for sex crime victims that are
trauma-informed, empathetic, non-judgmental, and
designed to elicit comprehensive and accurate
information without re-traumatizing the victim [27,
30].
4.
Prioritize Victim Dignity and Support: Ensure
that all interactions with victims prioritize their dignity,
safety, and well-being. This includes providing
immediate access to victim advocates, medical services,
and psychological support [31].
5.
Robust Evidence Collection Protocols: Establish
clear, standardized, and rigorously enforced protocols
for the timely and meticulous collection of all forms of
evidence (forensic, digital, testimonial), ensuring that
officers understand the critical importance of every
piece of information [14].
6.
Accountability Mechanisms: Implement robust
accountability
mechanisms
for
officers
who
demonstrate skepticism, victim-blaming attitudes, or
fail to adhere to trauma-informed protocols. This should
include clear disciplinary actions and ongoing
performance evaluations based on victim-centered
metrics.
For Policy Makers and Legislative Bodies:
1.
Allocate Resources: Ensure adequate funding
and resources are allocated to law enforcement
agencies for specialized training, victim support
services, and forensic capabilities necessary for effective
sex crime investigations.
2.
Review
and
Reform
"Unfounded"
Classifications: Critically review and reform policies
related to "unfounded" sexual assault classifications to
ensure that cases are not prematurely dismissed due to
skepticism or biases, but rather based on objective
investigative findings.
For Inter-Agency Collaboration:
1.
Foster Collaboration: Promote strong inter-
agency collaboration between law enforcement, victim
advocacy organizations, healthcare providers, and
prosecutors to create a seamless, victim-centered
response system that shares information appropriately
and provides holistic support [34].
By adopting these transformative procedural changes,
the criminal justice system can move beyond
skepticism, build trust with victims, and significantly
enhance its capacity to collect crucial evidence and
deliver justice for survivors of sex crimes.
REFERENCES
Ackard, D. M., & Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2002). Date
violence and date rape among adolescents: Associations
with disordered eating behaviors and psychological
health.
Child Abuse & Neglect
,
26
(5), 455
–
473.
doi:10.1016/S0145-2134(02)00322-8.
McCart, M. R., Smith, D. W., & Sawyer, G. K. (2010). Help
seeking among victims of crime: a review of the
empirical literature.
Journal of traumatic stress
,
23
(2),
198
–
206.
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
7
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
Basow, S., & Thompson, J. (2012). Service providers’
reactions to intimate partner violence as a function of
victim sexual orientation and type of abuse.
Journal of
Interpersonal Violence
,
27
(7), 1225
–
1241.
Gekoski, A., Massey, K., Allen, K., Ferreira, J., Dalton, C.
T., Horvath, M., & Davies, K. (2024). ‘A lot of the time
it’s dealing with victims who don’t want to know, it’s
all made up, or the
y’ve got mental health’: Rape myths
in a large English police force.
International Review of
Victimology
,
30
(1),
3-24.
https://doi.org/10.1177/02697580221142891
Hebert, R. (2013). Rape myth acceptance among law
enforcement. LSU Scholarly Repository, Item 2371.
https://repository.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses
Greeson, M., Campbell, R., & Fehler‐Cabral, G. (2016).
“Nodiv deserves this”: Adolescent sexual assault
victims’ perceptions of disbelief and victim blame from
police.
Journal of Community Psychology
,
44
(1), 90-
110.
Murphy-Oikonen, J., McQueen, K., Miller, A.,
Chambers, L., & Hiebert, A. (2022). Unfounded Sexual
assault: women's experiences of not being believed by
the police.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
,
37
(11-
12),
NP8916
–
NP8940.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520978190
Dolezal, L., Gibson, M. Beyond a trauma-informed
approach and towards shame-sensitive practice.
Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 9
(1),
321-345.
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01227-
Cohn, A., Zinzow, H., Resnick, H., & Kilpatrick, D.
(2013). Correlates of reasons for not reporting rape to
police.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
,
28
(3), 455-
473.
Moore, B., & Baker, T. (2016). An exploratory
examination of college students’ likelihood of
reporting sexual assault to police and university
officials: Results of a self-report survey.
Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 20
(1), 11-33.
Wolitzky-Taylor, K., Resnick, H., McCauley, J.,
Amstadter, A., Kilpatrick, D., & Ruggiero, K. (2011). Is
reporting of rape on the rise? A comparison of women
with reported versus unreported rape experiences in
the national women's study-replication.
Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 26
(4), 807-32.
Wentz, E., & Archbold, C. (2012). Police perceptions of
sexual assault victims.
Police Quarterly
,
15
(1), 25-44.
Shaw, J., Campbell, R., Cain, D., & Feeney, H. (2016).
Beyond Surveys and Scales: How Rape Myths Manifest
in Sexual Assault Police Records.
Psychology of
Violence, 30
(4), 201-223.
Payne, B. (2008). Challenges responding to sexual
violence: Differences between college campuses and
communities.
Journal of Criminal Justice, 36
(3), 224-
230.
Murphy, S., Edwards, K., Bennett, S., Bibeau, S., &
Sichelstiel, J. (2014). Police reporting practices for sexual
assault cases in which “the victim does not wish to
pursue charges”.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence,
29
(1), 144-156.
Parratt, & Pina. (2017). From "real rape" to real justice:
A systematic review of police officers' rape myth beliefs.
Aggression and Violent Behavior, 34
, 68-83.
Larimer, M., Lydum, A. R., Anderson, B. K., & Turner, A.
P. (1999). Male and female recipients of unwanted
sexual contact in a college student sample: Prevalence
rates, alcohol use, and depression symptoms.
Sex Roles
,
40
, 295
–
308. doi:10.1023/A:1018807223378.
Hart, T., Rennison, C., & United States. Office of Justice
Programs. (2003).
Reporting crime to the police, 1992-
2000
(Special report [United States. Bureau of Justice
Statistics]). Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Dept. of Justice,
Office of Justice Programs.
Hohendorff, Habigzang, & Koller. (2017). "A boy, being
a victim, nodiv really buys that, you know?": Dynamics
of sexual violence against boys.
Child Abuse & Neglect,
70
, 53-64.
Ellison, L., & Munro, V. (2017). Taking trauma seriously.
The International Journal of Evidence & Proof, 21
(3),
183-208.
Zoellner, L. A., Foa, E. B., Brigidi, B. D., & Przeworski, A.
(2000). Are trauma victims susceptible to "false
memories"?
Journal of abnormal psychology
,
109
(3),
517
–
524.
Helm R. K. (2021). Evaluating witness testimony: Juror
knowledge, false memory, and the utility of evidence-
based directions.
The international journal of evidence
&
proof
,
25
(4),
264
–
285.
https://doi.org/10.1177/13657127211031018
(General statement on underreporting, not specific to
one reference from the provided list).
Fyfe, N. R., & McKay, H. (2000). Desperately seeking
safety: Witnesses’ experiences of intimidation,
protection and relocation.
The British Journal of
Criminology
,
40
(4),
675
–
691.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23638491
(General statement on help-seeking deterrence, not
specific to one reference from the provided list).
Walsh, K., Zinzow, H., Badour, C., Ruggiero, K., Kilpatrick,
D., & Resnick, H. (2016). Understanding disparities in
service seeking following forcible versus drug- or
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
8
https://eipublication.com/index.php/jsshrf
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals
alcohol-facilitated/incapacitated rape.
Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 31
(14), 2475-2491.
Risan, P., Milne, R., & Binder, P. E. (2020). Trauma
narratives:
recommendations
for
investigative
interviewing.
Psychiatry, psychology, and law: an
interdisciplinary journal of the Australian and New
Zealand Association of Psychiatry, Psychology and Law
,
27
(4),
678
–
694.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2020.1742237
Venema, R. (2016). Making judgments: how blame
mediates the influence of rape myth acceptance in
police response to sexual assault.
Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 2
(17), 301-333.
Karmakar S, Duggal C. (2024). Trauma-informed
approach to qualitative interviewing in non-suicidal
self-injury research.
Qualitative Health Research, 34
(1-
2):33-47.
(General statement on trauma-informed interviewing,
not specific to one reference from the provided list).
Greenawalt, K. (2000). Dignity and victimhood.
California
Law
Review
,
88
(3),
779
–
789.
https://doi.org/10.2307/3481193
Richards, K. (2009). Taking victims seriously? The role
of victims’ rights movements in the emergence of
restorative justice.
Current Issues in Criminal Justice,
21
(2),
302
–
320.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2009.12035847
Darwinkel, E., Powell, M., & Tidmarsh, P. (2013).
Improving police officers’ perceptions of s
exual
offending through intensive training.
Criminal Justice
and Behavior, 40
(8), 895-908.
Powell, Martine B, & Wright, Rebecca. (2012).
Professionals' perceptions of a new model of sexual
assault investigation adopted by Victoria police.
Current Issues in Criminal Justice, 23
(3), 333-352.
Lonsway, K., Welch, S., & Fitzgerald, L. (2001). Police
training in sexual assault response.
Criminal Justice and
Behavior, 28
(6), 695-730.
