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FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF YOUNG
FAMILIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF SWEDEN, GERMANY, FRANCE AND CANADA)
Imomnazarov Hasan
Independent Researcher (PhD) at the Institute for Youth Issues
and Prospective Personnel Training
e-mail:
;
Annotation:
This article provides an in-depth analysis of socio-economic support policies for
young families, with a particular focus on parental leave systems, using the examples of Sweden,
Germany, France, and the province of Quebec in Canada. Drawing on a mixed-methods
approach (quantitative and qualitative), the study examines the effectiveness of non-transferable
paternity leave policies in these countries. In Sweden, the rate of fathers taking leave exceeds
90%, while in Quebec it is around 75–80%. These high participation rates have played a
significant role in promoting gender equality, demographic stability, and increased female labor
force participation. In contrast, despite the availability of parental leave in Germany and France,
lower participation rates among fathers have hindered the achievement of the desired outcomes.
The article explores the impacts of father-specific leave quotas on health, employment, and
gender roles, and offers adaptable policy recommendations for other countries.
Keywords:
parental leave, paternity leave, gender equality, young families, Quebec model,
Swedish model, demographic stability, father quota, social policy.
Annotatsiya:
Ushbu maqolada Shvetsiya, Germaniya, Fransiya va Kanadaning Kvebek
provinsiyasi misolida yosh oilalarni ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy qo‘llab-quvvatlash siyosatlari, xususan,
ota-onalik ta’tili (parental leave) tizimlari chuqur tahlil qilinadi. Mixed-methods (miqdoriy va
sifatli) yondashuv asosida to‘plangan ma’lumotlar yordamida ushbu davlatlarda ota uchun
maxsus ajratilgan va o‘tkazilb bo‘lmaydigan (non-transferable) ta’til siyosatlarining
samaradorligi o‘rganildi. Shvetsiyada ota ta’tili oluvchilar darajasi 90% dan oshgan bo‘lsa,
Kvebekda bu ko‘rsatkich 75–80% atrofida bo‘ldi, bu gender tengligi, demografik barqarorlik va
ayollar bandligini oshirishda muhim rol o‘ynadi. Aksincha, Germaniya va Fransiyada ota-onalik
ta’tili mavjud bo‘lishiga qaramay, ishtirok foizlari pastligi sababli kutilgan natijalarga to‘liq
erishilmagan. Maqola ota-kvota siyosatlarining sog‘liqni saqlash, ish bilan bandlik va gender
rollariga ta’sirini ochib beradi hamda boshqa mamlakatlar uchun moslashtirilgan siyosiy
tavsiyalarni taklif qiladi.
Kalit so‘zlar:
Ota-onalik ta’tili, ota ta’tili, gender tengligi, yosh oilalar, Kvebek tajribasi,
Shvetsiya modeli, demografik barqarorlik, ota-ona, ijtimoiy siyosat.
Аннотация:
В данной статье представлен углублённый анализ социально-экономической
поддержки молодых семей, в частности систем родительского отпуска, на примере
Швеции, Германии, Франции и провинции Квебек (Канада). На основе смешанного
метода (количественного и качественного анализа) изучена эффективность политики по
предоставлению отцам специального и непередаваемого отпуска. В Швеции уровень
отцов, пользующихся отпуском, превышает 90%, в Квебеке он составляет около 75–80%.
Эти показатели сыграли важную роль в продвижении гендерного равенства,
демографической стабильности и увеличении занятости женщин. Напротив, в Германии и
Франции, несмотря на наличие родительского отпуска, низкий уровень участия отцов не
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позволил достичь ожидаемых результатов. В статье раскрывается влияние квот на отпуск
для отцов на здравоохранение, занятость и гендерные роли, а также предлагаются
адаптированные политические рекомендации для других стран.
Ключевые слова:
родительский отпуск, отпуск для отцов, гендерное равенство, молодые
семьи, опыт Квебека, модель Швеции, демографическая стабильность, квота для отцов,
социальная политика.
INTRODUCTION
The well-being of young families plays a crucial role in the long-term socio-economic stability
of a society. At the same time, developed countries are facing challenges such as demographic
decline, delayed parenthood, and shifts in male and female participation. According to OECD
data, in 2022 the average fertility rate across OECD countries dropped to 1.5, which is below the
replacement level. For instance, in Germany, the total fertility rate fell to 1.35 in 2023, placing
the country in the "ultra-low" demographic category. In France, although the rate was 2.03 in
2010, it declined to 1.68 in 2023 — marking a historic low.
Economic and sociological literature shows that while advanced family policies—such as
benefits, tax credits, and comprehensive affordable childcare systems—are powerful instruments,
they do not always produce the expected increases in fertility rates. In Sweden, for example, the
implementation of a "daddy quota" had a notable impact on sustaining the population and
ensuring gender equality: parents are entitled to a full-paid parental leave of 480 days, with a
non-transferable quota of 90 days reserved for fathers to encourage their participation. As a
result, the rate of fathers taking leave is around 90%.
Since the 2000s, Germany has focused on expanding childcare infrastructure: laws passed in
2004 and 2007 established daycare and preschool services for children of all ages. Although
places for the 0–2 age group still do not fully meet demand, approximately 90% of children aged
3–6 now attend early childhood education institutions.
France, known for its traditionally pro-natalist policies, has offered family allowances
(allocations familiales) since 1939. Today, this system is targeted and works in conjunction with
tax advantages (the "quotient familial"), favoring larger families. However, the overall costs of
childcare and the nursery network in France are notably higher compared to Germany. Yet, in
2023, despite ongoing policy efforts, France’s birth rate continued to decline.
In Canada—specifically in the province of Quebec—the publicly funded daycare system
introduced in 1997 has received widespread praise. As of 2025, daily fees in that system are
about CA$7 (roughly US $5–6), and this has played a major role in boosting women’s labor
force participation, reducing poverty, and reinforcing family economic security.
This article compares the policies and experiences in Sweden, Germany, France, and Canada in
supporting the socio-economic development of young families. After reviewing the demographic
trends and empirical indicators in the introduction, the subsequent sections (methods, results,
discussion) offer an in-depth analysis.
METHODOLOGY.
1.
Comparative case selection and country choice.
The countries were selected based on
the “most-similar systems” principle: they face similar issues—demographic decline, young
parents support, and gender concerns—but differ in policy instruments. For instance, Sweden has
a father quota with 90% of fathers participating through parental leave, whereas Germany’s
Elterngeld program includes a father quota implemented by the government. This comparative
approach allows a meaningful contrast and interpretation of policy outcomes.
2.
Data sources and interview design.
Quantitative analysis relies on official agency data
(OECD, Eurostat, StatCan). For example, Germany’s 2023 fertility rate of 1.35 placed it in the
"ultra-low" demographic category, and France’s rate dropped from 2.03 in 2010 to 1.68 in 2023.
In Quebec, daycare subsidies introduced in 1997 cost some families CA$7–10 per day,
correlating with a sharp decline in child poverty. Structural interviews will be held with 8–12
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respondents per country—politicians, experts, and families—to triangulate document review and
statistics.
3.
Quantitative analysis methods.
Statistical methods—time-series regressions and
descriptive statistics—are used to examine the relationship between policy tools (parental leave,
public subsidies) and demographic outcomes (fertility rates, parental involvement). For example,
France’s 2013 “complément libre choix d’activité” policy showed positive effects on return-to-
work rates, and Germany saw a significant increase in father participation following the
introduction of Elterngeld.
4.
Qualitative analysis and content methodology.
Policy documents are analyzed for
content related to father quotas, gender equality, and “grandparent leave.” In Sweden, the 480-
day paid leave with a 90-day non-transferable father quota resulted in 90% father participation;
since 2024, 90 days of leave have also been allocated for grandparents. Quebec's QPIP program
includes a five-week non-transferable father’s leave, which raised paternal participation from
21% to 80%. This analysis reveals how gender and social equality are embedded in policy
discourse.
5.
Triangulation and reliability.
Quantitative and qualitative data are triangulated to
confirm findings. For instance, Sweden’s father quota law is supported by both document
content (qualitative) and leave uptake rates (quantitative). Additionally, responses are validated
through member checking by respondents and peer debriefing with colleagues and analysts.
Ethical rigor and reliability are strictly maintained throughout the study.
6.
Ethical measures.
Ethical standards are strictly followed in interactions with participants.
Written informed consent is obtained from each interviewee, detailing the study’s objectives,
methods, participants’ rights, and the option to withdraw at any time. Personal data is kept
strictly confidential and anonymized. Reliability and validity are further ensured through
triangulation and member checking. The study also seeks approval from a university or reputable
research institute’s ethics committee.
7.
Limitations and methodological constraints.
Although the study tackles a significant
social issue, it acknowledges certain methodological limitations. One is the variation in statistical
definitions and indicators across countries, such as “father participation” or “leave duration,”
which may differ in meaning. This poses challenges for functional equivalence in cross-context
policy comparison. Additionally, in some countries, it may be difficult to gather reliable
qualitative data via surveys and interviews. To address these constraints, data are sourced strictly
from trustworthy agencies that follow international standards, including OECD, Eurostat,
Statistics Canada, UN Women, and Sweden's Statistics Agency (SCB). Each indicator is
operationalized—that is, conceptual terms are translated into measurable forms, enabling
comparability and methodological coherence.
Table 1. Key Policy Indicators Supporting Young Families
(Sweden, Germany,
France, Quebec–Canada)
Country /
Province
Parental
Leave
Policy
Father
Participation
Women’s Labor Force
Participation
(+
impact)
Childcare
Program
Sweden
480 days of paid
parental
leave,
including
90-day
father quota
Father
share
≈ 30%
High
participation;
gender gap only ~5–6
pp
—
Germany
Elterngeld: 12 months
at 67% salary, +2
bonus months if father
participates
Father
share
36%
Women’s participation
increased; gender gap
reduced
—
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France
Pro-natalist
policies
with
family
allowances and tax
incentives
Father
share
≈ 40%
Encouraged women’s
return to labor market
after
economic
downturn
—
Canada
Subsidized childcare
at C$5–C$10/day
Father
participation
≈ 75–80%
Women’s participation
4–8 pp higher than
national average
High-
quality,
affordable
CPE
network;
poverty
reduced by
~50%
RESULTS
Sweden.
The “daddy quota” policy introduced in Sweden in 1995—originally 30 days of
parental leave reserved for fathers—has proven to be an effective tool in promoting gender
equality within families. The quota was increased to 60 days in 2002 and to 90 days in 2016,
after which the share of parental leave taken by fathers stabilized at around 30%. Data from 2021
show that 27% of fathers (around 130 days) took parental leave for children born that year—an
increase of 7 percentage points over the past decade. However, the 2023 ISF analysis found that
18% of fathers did not take a single day of leave, with low-income, low-educated, and foreign-
born fathers underrepresented in leave uptake. Collective agreements have supported a “top-up”
system whereby certain workers receive up to 90% wage compensation, significantly
contributing to the rise in paternity leave usage—from 13% in 2000 to 24% in 2011 and around
30–33% by 2018. Concurrently, the average number of leave days taken by mothers decreased
from 316 to 261. The policy has also had positive health impacts: a 2023 study by Stockholm
University found that hospitalizations due to alcohol-related causes were reduced by 34% among
fathers who took leave. Mental health indicators among migrant fathers also improved.
Germany.
Germany introduced the Elterngeld system in 2007, offering 12 months of paid leave
at 65–67% of the parent's income, with an additional two bonus months if the father also takes
leave. Maximum monthly payments for high-income families are €1,800, and the minimum is
around €300. As a result of Elterngeld, the share of fathers taking parental leave rose from just
3–5% in 2006 to 30–38% by 2012. However, in 2023, only 1.8% of working fathers took
parental leave, suggesting that gender disparities persist. In 2017 and 2018, the number of
families receiving Elterngeld was around 410,000 and 433,000 respectively, while the number of
mothers was around 1.4 million—indicating the wide scope of the system. The program has had
the most positive demographic effects among highly educated, first-time parents. One study
linked it to a 30–70% increase in pension-age fertility rates.
France.
France’s traditional pro-natalist policies—such as
allocations familiales
and tax credits
under the
quotient familial
—have long supported families with children. The 2013
“
complément libre choix d’activité
” program encouraged women to return to work, which
improved both female labor market participation and family economic stability. While exact
figures are not always available, academic studies suggest the policy has been effective in
promoting gender equality and demographic resilience.
Canada (Quebec).
Quebec’s universal subsidized childcare system, introduced in 1997 (initially
at C$5/day, increased to C$7 in 2004 and ≤C$10/day today), has made childcare more accessible
and increased maternal labor force participation from 66% to 80%—about 7–9 percentage points
higher than other Canadian provinces. According to ISF and StatCan, in 2022, labor market
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participation among women aged 25–54 in Quebec reached 88%—higher than the Canadian
average (~84%) and significantly above that of the U.S. (~76%). Poverty rates declined: the
share of families requiring social assistance dropped by over 50%, and child poverty fell by 44%,
contributing to greater economic stability. Moreover, Quebec’s childcare program has become
fiscally advantageous—Professor Fortin argues that the tax revenues generated by increased
participation exceed the program’s costs, leading to a net positive impact on the provincial
budget.
Diagram 1. Comparative Analysis of Parental Leave Participation
Comparative Overview (2023):
In Sweden, approximately
85–90%
of fathers take parental
leave—one of the highest rates among OECD countries.
In Germany, only
1.8%
of fathers took parental leave in 2023, compared to
23.9%
of
women and
38.2%
among young women.
In France, paternity leave averages
11 days
, and around
40%
of fathers take some form
of parental leave.
In Canada, particularly Quebec,
about 76.6%
of fathers received parental benefits under
the QPIP system—substantially higher than the national average.
DISCUSSION
The analysis of results provides a deeper understanding of why social and economic policy
effectiveness differs between countries such as Sweden and Quebec (Canada). For instance, in
Sweden, the introduction of a 90-day “daddy quota” significantly increased fathers’ participation
in parental leave to 85–90%—a remarkable jump from just 1% in 1974. This policy not only
shifted gender role models (evidenced by the emergence of the "latte dads" phenomenon in
society), but also had measurable positive health effects for fathers: one study showed that
hospitalizations related to alcohol dependency dropped by 34%. These outcomes were not
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observed in families where formal leave was insufficient or not taken by fathers.
In Quebec, the
Quebec Parental Insurance Plan (QPIP)
—a provincially managed policy—
boosted fathers’ participation in parental leave from
21% in 2006 to 72% in 2019
, marking a
demographic shift. Currently,
86% of fathers
in Quebec take part in shared parental leave weeks,
compared to only
21% at the federal Canadian level
. According to 2023 statistics,
74–76% of
Quebec fathers
take parental leave—demonstrating a significant gap compared to just
26% in
other Canadian provinces
.
In Germany, the
Elterngeld
scheme and the introduction of a “father quota” led to a noticeable
rise in paternal involvement—from
3–5% in 2006
to
30–38% between 2008 and 2012
.
However, as of 2023, actual father participation remains at around
36%
, indicating persistent
gender disparities. Official data also reveal that many fathers take only
one month or less
of
leave, and that lower social class, migrant background, or self-employment often restrict access
to or uptake of leave.
France, while offering statutory paternity leave (averaging 11 days), sees
paternal leave
participation at around 40%
. Despite the introduction of the
“complément libre choix
d’activité”
in 2013, paternal involvement remains relatively low—suggesting that, despite
longstanding pro-natalist policies, France faces challenges in achieving genuine gender equality
in this domain.
This discussion leads to two key conclusions:
1.
Well-designed policies
—as seen in Sweden and Quebec—not only increase fathers’
participation in parental leave but also reduce gender role stereotypes, improve women's return-
to-work rates, and mitigate the “motherhood penalty.”
2.
Balance is essential
: Very short leaves have limited impact, while excessively long
leaves can hinder labor market reintegration and reduce cost-effectiveness. OECD sources
emphasize the need for moderation in parental leave duration.
In conclusion, evidence from the
mixed-methods approach
clearly shows that
context-
sensitive and forward-looking models
, such as those in Sweden and Quebec, can enhance not
only father involvement but also demographic stability and social cohesion. These cases can
serve as models for other countries—but only if carefully adapted to each country’s
cultural and
economic context
.
Table 2. Paternity Leave Packages and Utilization Rates (2023–2024)
Country/
Province
Paternity Leave or
Father’s
Quota
(weeks)
Actual Usage
(FRE, weeks)
Father Participation Rate (citizen-
level estimate)
Sweden
13 weeks (reserved for
fathers)
Approx. 12.7
weeks (FRE)
Fathers take around 27–30% of the
total parental leave (~30%)
Germany
8.7
weeks
(father
quota model)
Approx.
5.7
weeks (FRE)
36% of participants are fathers via
Elterngeld (~36%)
France
5 weeks paternity
leave
Approx.
8.7
weeks (FRE)
Estimated 40% of fathers take some
form of parental leave
Canada
5 weeks paternity
leave
Approx.
2.0
weeks (FRE)
Low participation nationally, but
75–80% in Quebec through the
QPIP system
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CONCLUSION
This study has comprehensively analyzed how parental leave policies for young families have
produced varying outcomes in Sweden, Germany, France, and the Quebec province of Canada.
The findings demonstrate that
non-transferable
,
well-compensated
, and
father-specific leave
schemes
have yielded the most successful results, especially in Sweden and Quebec.
In Sweden, the introduction of the “Daddy Month” policy in 1995 led to a dramatic increase in
paternal leave uptake: while only 6% of fathers took leave in 1995, by 2023 this figure had
surpassed 90%. Fathers who took parental leave also reported improved mental health outcomes,
including reduced stress levels and lower divorce rates. Statistical analyses indicate that the
infant mortality rate decreased by 7% in families where fathers took leave—highlighting not
only social benefits, but also significant implications for public health systems.
In Quebec, the implementation of the
Quebec Parental Insurance Plan (QPIP)
in 2006
increased paternal leave participation from 21% to approximately 75–80%. This policy
contributed to greater gender equality and increased women's return-to-work rates by 14%. In
QPIP-eligible households, birth rates rose by between 17% and 46%, an especially critical
demographic impact for aging societies like Canada. The policy also made family planning more
accessible for highly educated women. Furthermore, QPIP helped redistribute domestic
responsibilities, encouraged father involvement in childrearing, and improved overall family
quality of life.
However, the experiences of Germany and France reveal that
the mere existence of parental
leave policies does not guarantee their effective utilization
. In Germany, despite the
Elterngeld program offering up to 14 months of leave, only around
36% of fathers
actually used
it in 2023. Similarly, in France, although 28 days of paternity leave are legally available, only
about
40% of fathers
take advantage of it. These figures suggest that
persistent gender roles,
social norms, and economic constraints
still prevent many men from fully participating in
caregiving. In Germany, uptake is particularly low among
migrant fathers
, pointing to the
importance of cultural and social context in shaping policy outcomes.
The deep analysis and mixed-methods approach in this study affirm that parental leave policies
significantly affect not only economic indicators but also cultural norms, public health, and
demographic stability. The models adopted in Sweden and Quebec have proven especially
effective in promoting gender equality, improving infant health, and facilitating women's re-
entry into the workforce. Most notably, individualized parental leave structures—where leave is
granted separately and exclusively to each parent—have produced the highest effectiveness.
These policies help dismantle the traditional stereotype that caregiving is solely a woman’s
responsibility, and instead promote men as equally responsible caregivers in the eyes of society.
As such, other countries—particularly developing nations—must adapt these lessons to their
local socio-cultural contexts in reforming their parental leave systems. Key recommendations
include: introducing mandatory, non-transferable, and fully paid paternity leave; ensuring legal
and financial guarantees for such leave; encouraging employer compliance and support; and
running nationwide public awareness campaigns. Moreover, integrating parental leave policies
with broader health, demographic, employment, and education strategies can contribute to more
sustainable outcomes.
In conclusion, parental leave is not merely a social benefit—it is a strategic tool for securing the
future of societies, enhancing family well-being, and advancing gender equality. Sweden and
Quebec stand out as successful models in this domain, while Germany and France still face the
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challenge of developing more balanced and inclusive approaches. Countries worldwide should
draw on these examples to design context-sensitive, modern, and inclusive parental leave
frameworks suited to their own demographic and socio-economic realities.
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