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INTERPRETATION OF THE FAMILY AND THE POSITION OF INDIVIDUALS IN IT
BY UZBEK PSYCHOLOGISTS
Raimova Saida Hotamjon kizi
Independent researcher
Abstract.
This article analyzes how Uzbek psychologists interpret the family and the position of
individuals within it. It highlights the role of spousal responsibility in ensuring family stability,
the legal status of children, and the educational role of parents. International legal documents
(such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child) and Uzbekistan’s family legislation are
examined in relation to the protection of children’s rights. Furthermore, the historical, cultural,
and psychological evolution of the father’s role is discussed, with particular emphasis on
strengthening paternal responsibility in contemporary society.
Kеywоrds:
family, Uzbek psychologists, children’s rights, fatherhood, motherhood, family
relations, upbringing, mentality.
Annotatsiya.
Ushbu maqolada oila tushunchasi va unda shaxslarning mavqeini o‘zbek
psixologlari qanday talqin qilgani ilmiy-nazariy asosda tahlil qilinadi. Oilaning mustahkamligi
er-xotinning mas’uliyatiga, farzandlarning huquqiy maqomiga va ota-onaning tarbiyaviy roliga
bog‘liqligi yoritilgan. Xalqaro huquqiy hujjatlar (Bola huquqlari to‘g‘risidagi Konvensiya va
boshqalar) hamda O‘zbekiston oilaviy qonunchiligida bolalarning huquqlarini ta’minlash
masalalari ko‘rib chiqiladi. Shuningdek, tarixiy, madaniy va psixologik omillar asosida otaning
oiladagi o‘rni evolyutsiyasi va zamonaviy sharoitda uning mas’uliyatini oshirish yo‘llari
muhokama qilinadi.
Kalit so`zlar:
oila, o‘zbek psixologlari, bola huquqlari, otalik, onalik, oilaviy munosabatlar,
tarbiya, mentalitet.
Аннотация.
В статье рассматривается интерпретация семьи и позиции личности в ней
узбекскими психологами. Анализируется значение ответственности супругов для
устойчивости семьи, правовой статус детей, а также воспитательная роль родителей.
Особое внимание уделено международным правовым документам (Конвенция о правах
ребенка и др.) и семейному законодательству Узбекистана в обеспечении прав детей. В
историко-культурном и психологическом контексте раскрыта эволюция роли отца в семье
и обсуждаются пути повышения его ответственности в современных условиях.
Ключевые слово:
семья, узбекские психологи, права ребенка, отцовство, материнство,
семейные отношения, воспитание, менталитет.
INTRОDUСTIОN
In life, the family imposes a special responsibility on both the father and the mother. In
fact, the stability of the family begins with the mutual harmony of husband and wife. If spouses
respect each other and deeply feel the responsibility of family life, then family ties will also be
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strong. However, in reality, not everyone experiences family responsibility equally. Families are
generally classified into nuclear and extended families. The first form of the nuclear family
consists only of husband and wife, while the second form includes parents and their children.
The extended family, on the other hand, comprises parents, their married children, grandparents,
grandchildren, and even great-grandchildren. In both simple and extended families, households
may also include in-laws or other relatives.
The institution of family law, however, is not merely a reflection of these social relations
but is also an integral legal institution and a cultural phenomenon with its own structural unity
and inherent laws. It is composed of a system of legal norms that express objective social
relations, yet it functions as a secondary (reflected) and independent phenomenon in relation to
the institution of family as a cultural system. For this reason, family law is simultaneously a legal
and psychological issue.
MАTЕRIАLS АND MЕTHОDS
It is necessary to differentiate between the subjects of family legal relations and the
subjects of the science of family law. The science of family law is one of the forms of scientific
understanding of law, while the subjects of family legal relations are the very individuals
involved in these processes. In this sense, the researcher himself is the subject of knowledge,
whereas the reflected aspects—relations, characteristics, and the subjects of family legal
relations—constitute the objects of knowledge. Family legal relations are objective processes.
For example, from the fact of a boy’s birth, his future rights and responsibilities as a father are
derived. These are objective, socio-natural realities that cannot be introduced through any law or
bylaw. Legal acts in this field merely serve as expressions of these realities and regulate them as
products of society’s subjective creativity.
If we consider family legal relations as the content, then family codes are their form.
Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between the subjects of family legal relations and the
subjects of the family code. The macro-subjects of the family code include all individuals, i.e.,
the population of the country, because the need for family legal relations is universal. The micro-
subjects are individual citizens who, in specific situations, are directly involved in family legal
relations. In this way, we see both the unity and distinction between the subjects of family legal
relations and the micro-subjects of the family code. This typology has not been explicitly
addressed in the literature, but it highlights that these subjects are the creators and material
bearers of family law. Without them, the structural components of family law cannot be formed.
Hence, these subjects represent the principal systemic and substantial components of family law.
RЕSULTS АND DISСUSSIОN
The very fact of a child’s existence must be officially recognized. The implementation of
the right to a name and citizenship provides the child with the opportunity to exercise his or her
rights. Once the birth of a child is registered, the state formally acknowledges the child’s
existence. Moreover, registration establishes the child’s lineage, that is, kinship with the parents
(mother and father).
The Declaration of the Rights of the Child in Principle 3 states that “from birth, a child
shall have the right to a name.” Similarly, the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights affirms that every child must be registered immediately after birth and have a name. The
Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 7, obliges states to ensure that a child is registered
immediately after birth: “A child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the
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right from birth to a name, to acquire a nationality, and, as far as possible, to know and be cared
for by his or her parents.”
Article 9 of the Law on Guarantees of the Rights of the Child of Uzbekistan stipulates
that “from the moment of birth, every child has the right to a surname, first name, patronymic,
nationality, and citizenship, as well as the right to preserve them.” Thus, every child has the right
to a name from the moment of birth, and the place and procedure of registration of birth are
determined by family legislation [2].
According to paragraph 6 of the Administrative Regulation on the Provision of
Comprehensive State Services Related to Birth Registration, annexed to the Resolution of the
Cabinet of Ministers of Uzbekistan dated November 10, 2020 (No. 704), “an employee of the
medical institution where the child is born, within one working day after the birth, must enter
information on the child, his or her surname, first name and patronymic, and parental and marital
data into the electronic system ‘Registration of Births and Deaths, including Perinatal Deaths.’”
Furthermore, under paragraph 7 of the same regulation, the Civil Registry Office is obliged to
issue a state birth certificate based on the principle of extraterritoriality at the request of
applicants at any time. Today, such certificates can also be issued directly by the medical
institution where the child was born.
Article 60 of the Family Code of Uzbekistan specifies that “maternity is established by
the civil registry office based on documents from the medical institution where the child was
born; if the child was not born in a medical institution, maternity is established on the basis of
other evidence” [3].
Annex 1 to the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Uzbekistan dated November 14,
2016 (No. 387) — “Rules for the Registration of Civil Status Acts,” in paragraphs 20(4)–(5),
provides guidance for cases when a child is born outside a medical institution. In such cases,
birth is registered on the basis of a certificate issued by the local doctor (or feldsher/midwife), or
on the basis of a statement drawn up in the presence of witnesses to the birth and certified by the
local medical worker.
Uzbek law also specifically regulates the determination of the lineage of children born
out of wedlock. According to Article 61 of the Family Code, this process is carried out on the
basis of a joint application by the mother and the man who recognizes himself as the father to the
civil registry office. However, if the mother is unable to express her will (for example, due to
death, incapacitation, absence, or deprivation of parental rights), paternity may be established on
the basis of an application by the man claiming to be the father, with the consent of the
guardianship and custody authority.
Today, one of the most pressing issues globally is the changing image of the father within
the family, the decline in his authority, and the evolving nature of parent–child relationships. It is
important to recognize that conflicts in these relationships are not always caused solely by the
behavior of the child, the personality of the parents, or their actions. Rather, they often stem from
deeper roots—ancestral patterns, the evolution of humanity, and historical developments.
Modern psychological research demonstrates that human behavior is closely linked to
subconscious mechanisms and what Carl Gustav Jung termed the “collective unconscious.”
Jung’s introduction of concepts such as “collective unconscious” and “archetypes” into
psychoanalysis provided a theoretical foundation for understanding the father’s role in terms of
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cultural memory and inherited psychological patterns. As the great Uzbek writer Abdulla
Qodiriy once observed: “It is always wise to look back at the past when considering the present.”
In early stages of Western civilization, during the period of matriarchy, the father’s role
was limited to reproduction. Beginning in classical Greece, the father gained authority over his
wife and children, assuming an authoritarian position within the household. Christianity further
reinforced paternal authority, encouraging fathers to take greater responsibility for childrearing.
During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, fathers dominated family life; however, by the
early twentieth century, social transformations led to the gradual erosion of paternal authority.
Some scholars even argue that this weakening of the father’s role contributed indirectly to the
outbreak of World War II. In the modern era, Western societies have renewed their emphasis on
fatherhood, highlighting the father’s active participation in childrearing as essential to healthy
family dynamics.
In Eastern societies, paternal dominance within traditional family structures persisted
much longer. For instance, in Japan, it was customary for a pregnant woman to return to her
parents’ home until the child was born. After childbirth, the mother would rejoin her husband,
but she would avoid intimate relations with him until the child reached the age of three. In such
families, fathers had limited contact with their wives and children, spending most of their time at
work. Similar patterns were observed in Korea, Indonesia, and China. Yet, even in the East, the
father’s position within the family has undergone significant changes. By the late nineteenth
century, paternal dominance began to weaken, and by the second half of the twentieth century,
women had gained equal rights and began spending more time with their children. This shift was
particularly evident in the acceptance of fathers’ increased involvement with their daughters—an
interaction that had traditionally been rare in Eastern cultures.
In Islamic societies, the father has historically been regarded as the head of the family,
often occupying an authoritarian role, with children viewed as a form of property. However,
migration and cultural adaptation have altered this paradigm. For example, in Moroccan
immigrant families living in the Netherlands, sociologist T. Pels observed that fathers were
compelled to share caregiving responsibilities equally with their wives, reflecting the influence
of Western values.
СОNСLUSIОN
The interpretation of the family and the position of individuals within it, as examined by
Uzbek psychologists, reveals that the family is not only a social institution but also a legal and
psychological phenomenon with its own structure and dynamics. The responsibilities of
parents—both fathers and mothers—are fundamental to the stability of the family. Legal
frameworks such as the Family Code and international conventions ensure that the rights of
children, particularly the right to identity and protection, are safeguarded from birth.
At the same time, the evolving role of fathers demonstrates how cultural, historical, and
psychological factors shape family dynamics. While paternal authority once dominated both
Eastern and Western traditions, modern societies increasingly emphasize cooperation, equality,
and the father’s active involvement in childrearing. Uzbek psychological research aligns with
global perspectives by underscoring the importance of responsibility, flexibility, emotional
warmth, and adaptability in parental roles.
RЕFЕRЕNСЕS:
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1. Fozil qori Yosin qori o‘gli. Friday sermons. – Tashkent: Movarounnahr, 1999. – 4 p.
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November 23, 2007, approved by the Senate on December 1, 2007
3. Family Code of the Republic of Uzbekistan. With amendments and additions until March 1,
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and personality in Islam and international law // Journal of Law and Religion. ‒Cambridge,
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