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606
EMIR SAID ALIMKHAN’S LIFE IN AFGHANISTAN AND HIS ATTITUDE TOWARD
THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT IN BUKHARA
Mahmud Hamrayev
University Sharq
Doctor of Philosophy in Historical Sciences (PhD)
E-mail:
mahmudhamrayev18111991@gmail.com
Annotation:
This article examines the life of Bukhara’s last Emir, Said Alimkhan, during his
years in Afghanistan and his attitude toward the independence movement in Bukhara. Particular
attention is given to his material and moral support for the activities of the
qorboshis
(local
resistance leaders).
Keywords:
Emir Said Alimkhan, independence movement, Emirate of Bukhara, Fort Fatu,
Kabul, Ibrokhimbek, Mulla Abdulkahhar, Amanullah Khan.
Thanks to independence, we now have the opportunity to become acquainted with rather
objective information concerning the reign of the last Manghit Emir, Said Alimkhan, in Bukhara
(1910–1920/1921), as well as various aspects of his life in exile and his personal circumstances
(1921–1944). Yet, it is increasingly evident that what we know and comprehend about this
period is but a drop in the ocean. As we study new research works that incorporate fresh data, we
once again witness that the history of our homeland is extraordinarily rich and filled with diverse
events. Following the war, the disoriented Alimkhan, along with other members of the dynasty
who had been held captive in Bukhara, eventually came to Afghanistan. The Afghan government
allocated the Hussain Kavt Garden for Emir Alimkhan and his companions, and set a salary of
12,000 Afghanis for the Emir. His residence was first established in the Khashim Khan Garden,
then, a year later, transferred to the Muradbek Fortress. Four months afterwards, Emir
Alimkhan’s headquarters was moved to the Khashmat Fortress. Ultimately, he settled in the
‘’Qalʿai Fatu’’, located 11 kilometers from Kabul. To ensure his security, the Afghan
government prohibited the Emir from leaving the fortress. In cases of necessity, a special
detachment was appointed to escort and protect him. This measure was essentially designed to
sever Emir Said Alimkhan’s contact with the outside world
In early 1921, Amir Said Alim Khan appointed Ibrahimbek Devonbegi as the Supreme
Commander of all his forces in Bukhara. Davlatmandbek Devonbegi was designated as his
deputy in Eastern Bukhara, while Mulla Abdulkahhar assumed the same role in Western
Bukhara. Togay Sari, who was active in Korgontepa, was a brave and loyal comrade of
Ibrahimbek, and the latter often relied heavily upon him.
At the age of thirty-one, when Ibrahimbek entered the struggle, he set himself the principal goal
not only of cleansing the soil of Bukhara from the Red Army but also of restoring the
overthrown Emirate and returning the throne to its former ruler, Said Alimkhan. For this reason,
from the very first days of his campaign, he enjoyed the full material and moral support and
encouragement of Emir Said Alim Khan
1
Nurettin Hatinoğlu. Türkistanda son türk devleti Buhara emirliği ve Alim Han. – Istanbul: Ötüken, 2016. – S. 117.
2
Ражабов Қ. Туркистон қўрбошилари. – Тошкент: Фан, 2022. – Б. 197-201.
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607
In 1920–1921, within a short period, Ibrahimbek Qorboshi gathered more than ten thousand
troops and, after clearing the provinces of Kulob and Baljuvon of Red Army forces, sent his
envoys to Said Alimkhan in Kulob. “At that time, Ibrahimbek Devonbegi himself advanced
toward the provinces of Karategin and Darvoz, launching an offensive and seizing both
territories.” Following these victories, Said Alimkhan also warmly received other envoys sent by
Ibrahimbek. Pleased with his commander’s “zeal and bravery,” he elevated him to a higher rank.
In early 1921, Said Alimkhan appointed Ibrahimbek Devonbegi as the Supreme Commander of
all Bukhara’s forces.
After these events, Ibrahimbek advanced into the Hisor province. “Marching toward the upper
part of Hisor, he repeatedly confronted the enemy, fought battles, and captured military
equipment. He established this province as his center of operations. He then carried out
movements in Boysun, Guzar, Sherabad, and Karshi, which formed the upper part of Dehnav
province
.”
In his memoirs, Emir Said Alimkhan also wrote the following about Ibrahimbek: “For seven
years Ibrahimbek fought against the Bolsheviks for the sake of the Muslim people and for this
humble servant of Allah. During the battles he demonstrated acts of heroism and continuously
kept me informed of their outcomes
.”
In one of his letters to Ibrahimbek, Emir Said Alimkhan extolled him as a “loyal and courageous
leader, mullah, beg, biy, devonbegi, commander, artillery chief, and ghazi.” According to Said
Alimkhan, he even held negotiations with the Afghan government in order to send
reinforcements to Ibrahimbek. Unfortunately, by that time the Afghan government no longer
provided any military units at the Emir’s disposal, since a treaty of friendship between
Afghanistan and Soviet Russia had already been signed.
Said Alimkhan’s favor and patronage toward Ibrahimbek are also mentioned in other sources.
For instance, the Turkish researcher Ali Bodomchi, in his book “1917–1934: The National
Independence Movement of Turkistan and Enver Pasha. The Qorboshis,” notes that Ibrohimbek
attained many high ranks under Said Alim Khan, and that during the Emir’s residence in Eastern
Bukhara he relied on fearless and valiant figures like Ibrahimbek in the struggle against the
Soviets. According to the book, “Ibrahimbek Laqay is among the most prominent figures of the
final stage of the Turkistan national independence struggle. Already during the Emir’s reign he
had begun inflicting defeats on Russian forces, and in a short time gained great fame … His total
forces numbered more than eight thousand
.”
3
Амир Саййид Олимхон. Бухоро халқининг ҳасрати тарихи. Форсчадан А. Ирисов таржимаси. – Тошкент:
Фан, 1991. – Б. 19-20.
4
Амир Саййид Олимхон. Бухоро халқининг ҳасрати тарихи. Форсчадан А. Ирисов таржимаси. – Тошкент:
Фан, 1991. – Б. 19.
5
Ali Bademchi. 1917–1934. Turkistan Milli Istiklal Hareketı. Korbaşilar ve Enver Paşa. – Cild I. Istanbul, 1975. – S.
501.
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608
However, Shahabiddin Yassaviy notes that although Ibrahimbek was a courageous figure, he
also tended to act hastily in resolving certain issues, which sometimes led to mistakes.
Characteristically, while carrying out Emir Alimkhan’s orders, Ibrahimbek showed disrespect
toward Ghazi Enver Pasha and Fuzayl Makhdum
.
Following the movements in Gijduvan, Ibrahimbek believed that favorable conditions had
emerged for Alimkhan’s return to Bukhara. He therefore dispatched a delegation of eight people
from Bukhara to Kabul, to the court of Amanullah Khan, requesting that the Emir of Bukhara be
allowed to return. Meanwhile, Enver Pasha sent a letter to Said Alim Khan, noting that although
they had attacked Baysun, the territory had not yet been fully secured. For this reason, he
emphasized, the Emir should not return to Bukhara. Amanullah Khan, who in any case opposed
Said Alimkhan’s return, used the arguments in Enver Pasha’s letter as grounds to prohibit it.
On 4 August 1922, Enver Pasha was killed in Baljuvon, located in Eastern Bukhara. His
contemporary Davlatmandbek also fell on the battlefield. Both were buried at the shrine of
Khazrat Sultan. News of the Emir’s intended return to Bukhara reached the Russians, who
moved to prevent it. By mid-1922, Russian forces, armed with artillery and tanks, launched a
campaign against the forces of the Emirate. Ibrahimbek fought valiantly against them
.
After Amanullah Khan invited Said Alimkhan to Kabul, the Russians began to act with greater
confidence. When the Emir of Bukhara arrived in Kabul, Amanullah declared that he would
remain politically non-aligned. Nevertheless, he entered into friendly relations with the Russians
The Afghan government gradually expanded its relations with Russia. It came to regard Russia’s
enemies as Afghanistan’s enemies as well, considering Russia the sole friend of the Eastern
peoples and of Afghanistan, and viewing the British colonizers as their common enemy. In the
early period of his stay in Kabul, Said Alimkhan advised King Amanullah of Afghanistan to
keep his distance from the Russians. However, Amanullah disregarded this counsel and strove
increasingly to strengthen his relations with Lenin. The continuation of this policy later led the
Afghan people to declare Amanullah a
kafir
(infidel). Amanullah Khan’s initially sincere and
cordial attitude toward Said Alimkhan gradually cooled. He even forgot his earlier promises,
reducing both the salary and the allowances allocated to the Emir
.
From the very first days of his arrival in Afghanistan, Said Alimkhan, with the help of a group of
his representatives and at his own expense, purchased a quantity of weapons and ammunition
from British India, Iran, and Afghanistan. The arms acquired from the Emir’s personal wealth
were sent to Bukhara. These were initially delivered to Mulla Ibrahimbek and then distributed
among other mujahideen. When Amanullah Khan, through his spies, learned that Said Alimkhan
was sending weapons to Bukhara, he ordered Afghan border guards to prevent the transfer of
arms across Afghan territory into Bukhara. Thereafter, the weapons dispatched by the Emir were
6
Shahobiddin Yassaviy. Turkiston achchiq haqiqatlari. 2-nashri. – Istanbul, 1984. – S. 154.
7
Ahat Andican. Osmanlı'dan Günümüze Türkiye ve Orta Asya. – Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2009. – S. 89.
8
Саййид Мансур Олимий. Бухоро – Туркистон бешиги. – Бухоро: “Бухоро” нашриёти, 2004. – Б. 89.
9
Ahat Andican. Osmanlı'dan Günümüze Türkiye ve Orta Asya. – Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2009. – S. 84.
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609
confiscated at the border. At times, the seized arms were resold by the Afghans to the Bukhara
independence fighters at double the original price
.
In this situation, efforts were made to place the Emir of Bukhara under even tighter guard and to
keep him effectively in captivity. Emir Alimkhan, accompanied by his guards, was not allowed
to travel more than 11 kilometers beyond the Fatu fortress. Only during the summer and winter
seasons was he permitted, with authorization from the Afghan government, to visit Pagman or
Jalalabad. Unable to send assistance to Bukhara and constrained in captivity, the Emir sought
solutions on all fronts. One such attempt was to present to Nadirshah a crown adorned with large
and precious diamonds, in exchange for permission to continue sending weapons to Bukhara
The crown, decorated with gemstones of such value that several city fortresses could have been
purchased with it, was accepted, and only then was permission granted once more to dispatch
arms from Afghanistan. Nevertheless, Afghan border guards continued to seize the shipments
under various pretexts. Meanwhile, Ibrahimbek persisted in his struggle against the Russians but
suffered greatly from shortages of weapons. During the day, transporting arms across the border
was prohibited. Thus, Ibrahimbek’s comrades would hide in the mountains and launch night
attacks on the Russians, capturing their weapons as spoils
Emir Alimkhan lived in exile with a deep longing for his homeland. His appeals to return to
Bukhara were rejected by the Soviet leader, Joseph Stalin. Towards the end of his life,
Alimkhan’s eyesight weakened and he fell seriously ill. On April 28, 1944, after a prolonged
illness, Emir Said Alimkhan passed away at the age of 63 in Qal’ai Fotu. Although far from his
homeland, Emir Alimkhan never abandoned his determination to resist the enemy. For seven
years, he directed from Kabul the forces fighting against the Russians in the western, eastern,
and northern provinces of Bukhara. However, his aspirations ultimately remained unfulfilled.
Emir Alimkhan was buried in the Shahidani Islam cemetery near Kabul. At the initiative of his
sons, a mausoleum was built over his grave and a marble tombstone was erected. The inscription
on the marble reads:
“This sacred place belongs to Emir Said Alimkhan, son of Said Abdulahadkhan, son of Emir
Said Muzaffarkhan, son of Said Nasrullohkhan, son of Emir Said Haydarkhan, son of Emir
Shohmurodkhan, son of Emir Doniyolkhan — the seventh ruler of the Manghit dynasty, who
once reigned in Bukhara Sharif. In the tenth year of his rule, Bukhara Sharif was occupied by the
Bolsheviks, and he became an exile in neighboring Afghanistan, where he found refuge. He lived
10
Gülseren Doğan. 1917-1924 yılları arasında Türkistan milli devletleri. – Istanbul: Elazığ, 2018. – S. 94.
11
Саййид Мансур Олимий. Бухоро – Туркистон бешиги. – Бухоро: “Бухоро” нашриёти, 2004, – Б. 111.
12
Nurettin Hatinoğlu. Türkistanda son türk devleti Buhara emirliği ve Alim Han. – Istanbul: Ötüken, 2016. – S. 124.
13
Ensar Göçmez. Afganistan’dan gelen göçmen Özbekler’in sosyo-kültürel ve dini hayatları üzerine sosyolojik bir
araştırma (Hatay ili Ovakent beldesi örneği) – Selçuk Üniversitesi, Yayımlanmış yüksek lisans tezi, Konya: 2009. –
S. 51.
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610
here for twenty-three years and departed this world in the year 1363 AH at the age of sixty-three.
May the Almighty embrace his soul with mercy. Amen!”
When Emir Said Alimkhan left the capital in September 1920, he was compelled to abandon not
only the state treasury but also his harem in the city. The remainder of his relatives, numbering
118 in total, were captured by the Russians in Khoja Orif (present-day Shofirkon) and placed
under house arrest in the Khurjun madrasah of Bukhara
. Among them were Alimkhan’s three
children, who also fell into captivity. The Bolsheviks subjected his three sons—Said Sultankhan,
Said Shokhmuradkhan, and Said Rakhimkhan—as well as his two nephews, Said Rakhmatullo
and Said Sayfiddin, to various forms of torture
.
After the Red Army and the Bolsheviks entered Bukhara, the three innocent sons of the Emir
were forced to stand in the Devonbegi Mosque from three o’clock at night until eleven o’clock in
the morning. At eleven, the Russians dressed the captive sons of the Emir in clothes inscribed in
Persian and Uzbek with phrases such as:
“Alimkhan is a tyrant,” “He does not want a republic,”
“He forces the people into slavery,”
and
“Be grateful that you are liberated.”
They were then
paraded through the bazaars and streets. However, this act backfired on the Bolsheviks: upon
witnessing such humiliation of the children, even those segments of the population who had
previously opposed the Emir began to sympathize with and support him
.
Meanwhile, Emir Alimkhan and his attendants, having departed for Afghanistan to wage war
against the Russians and to procure arms, remained unaware of the fate of his family—his sons,
uncles, and mother—who had been left behind in Bukhara. In July 1923, under a decision of the
Bukhara People’s Soviet Republic government led by Fayzulla Khodjayev, Emir Said
Alimkhan’s mother Toraoyim, his wives Shamsiyaoyim, Totioyim, Muharramoyim,
Musharrafoyim, Muborakoyim, and Khursandoyim, his daughters Xosiyatoy and Saodatoy, his
uncles Mir Muhammad Siddiq ibn Muzaffarkhan, Mir Nosir ibn Muzaffarkhan, and Mir
Abdulazimxon ibn Muzaffarkhan, his sister Shohoy, his biological mother Davlat Bakht, and
other close relatives—a total of 51 individuals—were sent to Afghanistan via Termez of their
own accord
14
Саййид Мансур Олимий. Бухоро – Туркистон бешиги. – Бухоро: “Бухоро” нашриёти, 2004, – Б
. 126.
15
Qarang: Ражабов Қ. Бухорога қизил армия босқини ва унга қарши кураш. – Тошкент: Маънавият, 2002. – Б.
29-31.
16
Ahat Andican. Osmanlı'dan Günümüze Türkiye ve Orta Asya. – Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2009. – S. 95.
17
Naci Yengin. Buhara Emirliği Türkistan ve Enver Paşa. – Istanbul: Bilgeoğuz, 2010. – S. 150-151.
18
Qarang: Ражабов Қ. Бухорога қизил армия босқини ва унга қарши кураш. – Тошкент: Маънавият, 2002. –
Б. 30.
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611
The Emir’s three sons, however, remained in Russian captivity. Fayzulla Khodjayev sent a letter
to Amir Alimkhan stating: “If you cease fighting against the Russians and stop supporting the
mujahideen, we will send your three sons to Afghanistan. Otherwise, they will remain with us.”
In this way, Khodjayev sought to compel the Emir to abandon the struggle.
Yet Emir Alimkhan understood that this was merely a ruse of the Russians and that Fayzulla
Khodjayev had written the letter under their pressure. He therefore chose to continue the fight. In
response to the letter, he wrote: “Thousands of my children have remained in captivity in
Bukhara at the hands of the Russians. You wish me to abandon the war in exchange for my three
sons. For me, there is no difference between my own three children and the many who remain in
Bukhara. If we are victorious, both my sons and the rest will be saved. For me, the most
important goal is to liberate Bukhara and Turkestan from the Russians.”
Even after three months of physical and psychological punishment, Emir Said Alimkhan’s
children continued to be held under house arrest in Bukhara. In 1922, they were taken to
Moscow, where the princes were placed in the Bukhara Educational Home
. There, they were
given communist instruction. The Bukhara Educational Home in Moscow, as well as the
Workers’ Faculty of the Uzbek Pedagogical Institute, later produced many prominent artists,
among them Mannon Uygur, Yetim Babajonov, Hikmat Latipov, Lutfulla Narzullaev, Sadi
Tabibullaev, Abror Hidayatov, Sora Eshantorayeva, Zamira Hidayatova, and Tursunoy
Saidazimova. Among these talented students was Maryam Yakubova (1909–1987), a native of
Bukhara and later named People’s Artist of the Uzbek SSR in 1955. As a member of the drama
circle, she studied alongside Prince Shokhmurad Olimov, son of Emir Alimkhan, and they often
performed together in various plays. According to Yakubova’s recollections, she studied together
with two of the Amir’s sons—Sultan and Shokhmurod
The eldest son, Sultankhan, who was disabled in one leg, was imprisoned and died there. The
youngest son, Abdurahimkhan, who had openly expressed his hatred toward the Soviet regime,
was accused of espionage in 1937 and executed
The fate of the middle son, Shokhmurad, unfolded differently. Whether under pressure from the
Soviet authorities, persuasion from his friends, or the insistence of his beloved, Javhar Bashiyeva,
his article titled
“From the Son to the Former Amir of Bukhara
”
was published in the June 16,
1929, issue of
Izvestiya
as proof of his renunciation of his father. In this piece, Shokhmurad
openly disavowed his father. Thereafter, the path to a “bright future” was opened to him. He
enrolled in a military school. His mother, Muharram Oyim, repeatedly appealed to the Soviet
19
Naci Yengin. Buhara Emirliği Türkistan ve Enver Paşa. – Istanbul: Bilgeoğuz, 2010. – S. 150-151.
20
Иноятов С., Алауов А. Бухарский дом просвещение в Москве. – Навои, 1996. – С. 17-30.
21
Qarang: Ёқубова М. Даврим ва даврам (хотиралар). Тузувчи: Т.Ёқубова. – Тошкент: Ғафур Ғулом
номидаги нашриёт-матбаа ижодий уйи, 2019. – Б. 100-103.
22
Хайдаров Ф. Последний Эмир. – Самарқанд: Зарафшан, 2017. – С 23.
23
“Известия” (Москва). 16 июня 1929 г.
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612
Embassy in Kabul to obtain permission to meet her son Shokhmurad, who was then studying in
Moscow. However, when Muhammad Azizkhan sought such a meeting in 1933, the military
school replied on Shokhmurad’s behalf, refusing with the statement:
“We have received Soviet
education.”
After graduating from the military school, Shokhmurad Olimov resided at
Apartment 7, House 23, Korolenko Street, Moscow, and took a position as an engineer at a
military factory. He later continued his studies at the Military Engineering Academy in Moscow.
During the Second World War, he fought on the frontlines and was awarded several orders and
medals. In 1944, he was severely wounded and lost one of his legs. After the war, he returned to
the academy where he had studied, working there as a military specialist, eventually rising to the
rank of general. According to the recollections of his wife, Lidiya Mikhailovna, he would
sometimes weep when remembering his parents. General Shokhmurad Olimov passed away in
Moscow in 1985.
We present below, for your consideration, an article published in the 16 June 1929 issue of
Izvestiya
.
To the Former Emir of Bukhara, from His Son
(Open Letter)
We present to the reader a son’s letter addressed to his father.
The father — the former Emir of Bukhara — ruled the Emirate with the support of the Russian
Tsarist regime and had long been a loyal servant of the White Tsar. Driven from Bukhara by the
working people, he spent an extended period as an émigré in unknown parts of Afghanistan.
Recently, he proclaimed war against Soviet power, and simultaneously, bands of
basmachi
(insurgent bands) intruded into our territory near the city of Garm
.
The son — A. Shokhmurad — stands on an entirely different front. He is a student at the
Moscow Workers’ Faculty. Having heard of his father’s new yet futile undertakings, he writes,
as a “former son,” his “first and last” letter to his father. We are publishing this document, which
is rare in the history of humankind. It demonstrates how the force of socialist ideas has come to
influence even a representative of the monarchical family that once politically subjugated
Bukhara.
‘’I am writing to you the first and last letter of my life. In truth, I had not intended to write at all,
for I wished that there be no connection between us. Yet the recent events have compelled me,
with the very blood of my heart, to write this letter to you.
In 1917, for the first time in human history, the world was divided into two camps: the camp of
capitalism and the camp of socialism.
By 1918, when your tyranny had reached its peak, the Registan was filled with the blood of those
poor peasants and wretches whom you had condemned to poverty, who at last dared to rise
against your ruthless oppression. Meanwhile, you were absorbed only in your pleasures and
indulgences. Although we were father and son, we would see each other but once a year. The
rest of the time, we three brothers lived with our mothers in the company of women. You did not
even know whether you had sons. I could not understand these things then (I was only nine years
24
Garm — a “village, locality.” At that time, it was the center of the Karategin beklik. Today it is a village in the
Rasht region of Tajikistan.
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613
old at the time), but my mother’s sorrowful stories became imprinted upon my memory with
vivid clarity.
In 1920, the despotic regime in Bukhara — a semi-colonial and mercilessly reactionary
government — was overthrown. Your government, composed of mullahs and wealthy men,
likewise collapsed. The Emirate of Bukhara died. In its place came another order — the power of
the people. We were taken under the care of the newly established Bukharan People’s Soviet
Republic. It nourished us, raised us, and clothed us’’.
In 1923, together with the sons of workers and peasants of Soviet Bukhara, we were sent to
Moscow to study. After Central Asia was incorporated, the Bukharan Soviet Republic, along
with the Turkmenistan
(Turkistan) Autonomous Soviet Republic and the Kharezm Soviet
Republic, entered the USSR on equal terms and together formed the Uzbek SSR. Not only you,
but the very Emirate of Bukhara, which had been directly subjugated by the Russian autocratic
regime, perished. Bukhara has changed, it has been renewed. Now there is no longer any
violence or oppression. Ignorance and illiteracy are being eradicated there; new schools are
multiplying, in which tens of thousands of children of farmhands and working people are
learning to read and write and to study various sciences. Under the skillful leadership of the
Bolshevik Party, the national economy is being consolidated and is advancing toward a new
society — the society of communism.
For six years now, I have been studying in Moscow, the political and economic center of the
entire Union. I have studied at the Workers’ Faculty. Living together with my comrades at the
faculty, I joined the collective of the great Soviet society. I began to hate you. I consider that I
have never had a father at all, and I advise you, too, to forget that you have a son. Yet there is
something else: an unfamiliar yet warmly familiar face. He has been reborn as a new human
being — one who speaks a new language, views life in a new way, and lives as a new person.
The world is divided into two poles.
The revolutionary movement is gaining strength not only in the West but also in the East: the
poor of China are rising against the oppression of imperialism. The Indians are rising against
their colonialism and are defending their independence. All over the world, sparks of revolution
are flaring up and will burn away everything harmful.
Imperialism sets nations against one another. It deceives them in order to turn them completely
into its colonies.
And you, a rabbit driven from its burrow, a slave of imperialism, under the protection of the
traitorous government of Bacha-i Saqao, want to attack Soviet Tajikistan in order to cross into
Bukhara. You need this to destroy Soviet power there and to restore once again the Emirate of
Bukhara. The only difference is that before you squeezed the people’s lifeblood and shared it
with the Russian Tsar, but now you want to do so with worldly England, eternally hungry and
25
In the letter, Turkmenistan is mentioned deliberately. However, this actually refers to the Turkistan ASSR.
The Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (in Russian:
Uzbekskaya Sovetskaya Sotsialisticheskaya Respublika
) was one
of the republics that formed part of the Soviet Union. The Uzbek SSR was established in February 1925 on the
territories of the Turkistan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic, and the
Kharezm People’s Soviet Republic — primarily in the regions inhabited by Uzbeks
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predatory. This will not happen. Soviet power exists in Tajikistan and will always exist. Soviet
power was not established so easily that it could be destroyed so easily by any exiled tyrant.
In 1920, when leaving Bukhara, you sowed the seeds of the basmachi throughout Eastern
Bukhara, but their last remnants were completely destroyed by the Red Army composed of
workers and peasants, and by the national units — the Red soldiers. Yet again, basmachi bands
have begun to appear on Soviet lands. But this time, too, the Red Army will annihilate these
bandits who deceive the people. Behind Soviet Tajikistan stands the great Soviet Union with its
population of 140 million. And behind the USSR stand the working class of the West and of the
entire colonized East.
These are my last words to you. We part completely. If fate, against my will, should bring us
together, then it will mean we meet as enemies.
Your former son, A. Shokhmurad
.”
So, what were the reasons for writing this letter?
First of all, during nearly seventy-five years of the Soviet state’s existence, false propaganda and
agitation were constantly in full swing. Shokhmurad graduated from a military school and
dreamed of entering the academy. Everyone knew that such a prospect would never smile upon
the son of the former Emir, who was considered an enemy of the Soviet state. There are various
assumptions. From an early age he had been a member of Soviet society, raised with Soviet
ideology — and what else could be expected of a communist? Some sources say that he acted
under the urging of his fellow students. In any case, by writing this letter Shokhmurad renounced
not only his father, but also his entire childhood, his history, and even the homeland where his
umbilical cord blood had been shed. In reality, to expect loyalty to the nation from people raised
under communist ideology was a mistake.
Although Emir Alimkhan’s departure from Bukhara was due to inevitability, leaving his
children in the hands of the enemy cannot, of course,
be justified. Yet what kind of society was it that forced children to renounce their own father?
What kind of state was it that even used children as a weapon? This letter was delivered to
Alimkhan by the Afghan ambassador in Moscow. After reading it, Alimkhan simply smiled at
the ambassador and said, “I do not believe my son wrote this letter.” The Russians had only one
purpose in dictating this letter—reminding the Amir that they held a weapon to restrain him and
demonstrating that they could use it at any moment. It can be said that one of the reasons behind
composing this letter in Shokhmurad’s name was the Emir’s appeals, sent through his envoys
during 1927–1928, urging the population of Bukhara to rise against the Bolsheviks. No matter
how ignorant and bloodthirsty the Emir might have been portrayed in Soviet terms, it is difficult
to believe that a son would send such a letter to his own father. Let us each ask ourselves a
simple question: what did the overthrow of the Emirate by the Red Army actually give to the
ordinary people of Bukhara? After the Amir was deposed, did the impoverished population
suddenly become wealthy, or were all problems solved at once? Naturally, these words will not
appeal to Russophiles. Perhaps the abolition of the Emirate was indeed justified. However, the
fact that the Bolsheviks carried this out through the Jadids resulted in our nation’s disunity for
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Сын бывшего, бухарского эмира – своему отцу // “Известия” (Москва). 16 июня 1929 г.
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decades, compelling us to seek traitors among our own. After the fall of the Emirate, the primary
task of the Soviet state became discrediting the Amir and persuading the remaining population to
accept this view. In some sense, they did succeed in this endeavor. Even today, the fact that our
truthful history does not please certain “individuals” is evidence of this.
Emir Alimkhan sustained his livelihood in Afghanistan through the trade of karakul pelts and the
income generated from his jewelry shop. A portion of the profits from this trade was deposited in
banks in British India. Unfortunately, on numerous occasions, funds entrusted to reliable
representatives were misappropriated, squandered, or embezzled.
In conclusion, the cunning policy pursued by Soviet Russia in the Turkistan region, particularly
toward Bukhara, further intensified the prevailing atmosphere of discontent within the country.
As a result, a people lacking internal unity were ultimately transformed into a colony by the
Russians. Even within the activities of the
qorboshis
(local resistance leaders), this inability to
unite and the prevalence of mutual distrust worked to Russia’s advantage. The independent
Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic likewise failed to achieve its goals. Several congresses were
convened in the country, but they yielded no tangible results. Consequently, it was once again
the ordinary population that suffered. What is encouraging, however, is that the history of our
homeland, the deeds of our ancestors, and, in particular, the life of Emir Said Alimkhan are now
being studied not only in Uzbekistan but also in various other countries, revealing new
dimensions of the last ruler of Turkistan.
