International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
1
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue08 2025
PAGE NO.
1-8
Chinese Migrant Labor and Cocoa Cultivation in
Colonial Samoa and Vanuatu: A Historical Analysis of
Plantation Economies
Dr. Mei-Lan Zhou
Department of History, University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, USA
Dr. Linh Q. Tao
Department of Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, Singapore
Received:
03 June 2025;
Accepted:
02 July 2025;
Published:
01 August 2025
Abstract:
This article presents a historical analysis of the pivotal role played by Chinese migrant labor in the
development of cocoa cultivation within the colonial plantation economies of Samoa and Vanuatu during the late
19th and early 20th centuries. Drawing upon a range of primary and secondary sources, this study examines the
motivations behind the introduction of Chinese indentured workers, the conditions under which they labored,
and their significant, yet often overlooked, contributions to the expansion of the global cocoa commodity chain.
The research contextualizes these specific Pacific instances within the broader historical phenomena of
commodity frontiers, the evolution of coerced labor systems post-slavery, and the global movement of Asian
migrant workers. By delineating the recruitment practices, daily lives, and socio-economic impacts of Chinese
laborers in these distinct colonial settings, this article aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the complex
interplay between imperial ambitions, global market demands, and the human cost of tropical agricultural
expansion in the Pacific.
Keywords:
Chinese migrant labor, cocoa cultivation, plantation economies, colonial Samoa, colonial Vanuatu,
labor migration, Pacific colonial history, indentured labor, agricultural history, imperial economics.
Introduction:
The late 19th and early 20th centuries
witnessed a dramatic expansion of global commodity
frontiers, profoundly transforming rural landscapes
and labor systems across the world [1, 2]. As
industrializing nations sought raw materials and new
markets, tropical agriculture became a cornerstone of
imperial economies, driving the establishment of vast
plantations for crops such as sugar, coffee, and cocoa
[2]. This expansion frequently relied on various forms
of coerced labor, evolving from chattel slavery to new
systems of indentured servitude and other unfree labor
arrangements, particularly after the formal abolition of
slavery [5, 6, 7]. The Pacific Islands, with their fertile
lands and strategic locations, became integral to this
global economic reordering, drawing in diverse
populations of migrant workers to fuel their emerging
plantation sectors [16, 17].
Among the commodities that experienced significant
global growth during this period was cocoa. Driven by
increasing demand for chocolate in European and
North American markets, cocoa cultivation expanded
rapidly from its traditional Latin American strongholds
into new colonial territories in Africa and the Pacific [4,
21, 22]. This shift often necessitated the establishment
of large-scale plantations, which, in turn, created an
insatiable demand for a reliable and exploitable labor
force [3, 22].
Within this broader historical context, the recruitment
and deployment of Chinese migrant labor emerged as
a significant, albeit controversial, solution to the labor
shortages faced by colonial enterprises worldwide [7,
8]. Often referred to as the "coolie trade," this system
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
2
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
involved the movement of millions of Chinese workers
under various contractual arrangements to plantations,
mines, and infrastructure projects across the Americas,
the Caribbean, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific [8, 9, 10,
12, 14]. The nature of this labor
—
whether it
constituted "free labor" or a form of "neo-slavery"
—
has been a subject of extensive historical debate [12].
This article focuses specifically on the experiences of
Chinese migrant laborers in the cocoa plantations of
colonial Samoa and Vanuatu (formerly the New
Hebrides). While the broader history of indentured
labor in the Pacific is well-documented [17], the
particular contributions and conditions of Chinese
workers in the cocoa sectors of these two distinct island
groups warrant closer examination. Samoa, under
German colonial administration, and Vanuatu, under
the Anglo-French Condominium, offer contrasting yet
complementary case studies of how imperial powers
utilized Chinese labor to cultivate a globally significant
commodity.
The primary objective of this study is to:
1.
Trace the historical development of cocoa
cultivation in colonial Samoa and Vanuatu.
2.
Analyze the reasons for the recruitment of
Chinese migrant labor to these plantations.
3.
Detail the recruitment processes, living
conditions, and working experiences of Chinese
laborers.
4.
Assess the impact of Chinese labor on the
growth and profitability of the cocoa industry in these
Pacific territories.
5.
Contextualize these specific cases within the
broader global history of commodity frontiers and
coerced labor.
By shedding light on this often-marginalized aspect of
Pacific colonial history, this article seeks to contribute
to a more comprehensive understanding of the
complex
human
geographies
and
economic
transformations wrought by global capitalism in the
late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Literature Review
Historical Context of Pacific Plantation Economies and
Migrant Labor
To understand the specific dynamics of Chinese labor in
cocoa cultivation in Samoa and Vanuatu, it is essential
to situate these cases within the broader historical
scholarship on global commodity frontiers, labor
systems, and the expansion of the cocoa industry.
2.1 Global Commodity Frontiers and Labor Systems
The concept of "commodity frontiers" describes the
geographical and social expansion of commodity
production into new territories, often accompanied by
profound transformations of local ecologies and labor
relations [1, 2]. This process, a hallmark of global
capitalism, necessitated the mobilization of vast labor
forces, particularly in tropical regions where European
capital sought to exploit land and resources for export-
oriented agriculture [1, 2].
Following the abolition of chattel slavery in the British
Empire in 1833 and subsequently in other colonial
powers, new forms of labor coercion emerged to
sustain the burgeoning plantation economies [5, 6].
Historians have extensively documented the transition
from chattel slavery to various systems of "unfree
labor," including indentured servitude, sharecropping,
and forced labor, which often maintained exploitative
conditions reminiscent of slavery [6, 12, 13]. Sidney
Mintz's seminal work on sugar, for instance, highlights
how the global demand for commodities like sugar
historically drove the development of coercive labor
regimes [2]. Similarly, Kris Manjapra emphasizes the
"global travel of agricultural racial capitalism," where
plantation models, built on racialized labor
exploitation, were replicated across continents [1].
The demand for labor on these expanding commodity
frontiers led to massive intercontinental migrations.
Indian indentured laborers, known as "coolies," were
transported to the Caribbean, Fiji, and other parts of
the British Empire [13]. Simultaneously, Chinese
laborers were recruited to work in diverse locations,
from the sugar fields of Cuba and Trinidad to the gold
mines of California and Australia, and various
plantations across Southeast Asia and the Pacific [8, 10,
12]. The "Coolie Question" became a significant
international and domestic political issue, revolving
around the contractual nature of this labor, the
conditions of recruitment and passage, and the often
brutal realities of their lives on plantations [7, 8, 9, 14].
Lisa Yun's work on Chinese indentured laborers in
Cuba, and Mae Ngai's analysis of the "Chinese
Question" in global politics, underscore the complex
legal, economic, and social dimensions of this global
labor phenomenon [8].
2.2 Cocoa as a Colonial Commodity
Cocoa, derived from the Theobroma cacao tree, has a
long history as a prized commodity, but its global
significance as a mass-produced item surged in the late
19th century with advancements in chocolate
manufacturing and rising consumer demand in Europe
and North America [4, 21]. William Gervase Clarence-
Smith's comprehensive histories of cocoa and
chocolate detail this expansion [4, 22].
Initially, cocoa cultivation was often the domain of
smallholders, particularly in West Africa [3, 22].
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
3
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
However, as demand intensified, colonial powers
sought to establish large-scale plantations to ensure
consistent supply and exert greater control over
production [22]. This shift from smallholder-dominated
production to a plantation model, particularly in new
colonial territories, created a significant demand for
labor that indigenous populations could not always
meet or were unwilling to provide under colonial terms
[22, 24, 25]. Core Ross highlights this "plantation
paradigm" in the global cocoa boom [22]. Early
attempts to cultivate cocoa in places like Brazil also
relied on various forms of coerced labor, including
slavery [4]. The expansion into the Pacific, therefore,
was part of this broader global trend of establishing
new cocoa frontiers [34].
2.3 Chinese Indentured Labor in the Pacific
While Chinese migrant labor was a global
phenomenon, its presence in the Pacific Islands,
particularly in the context of plantation agriculture, has
received specific scholarly attention. However,
comprehensive studies focusing exclusively on Chinese
labor in cocoa cultivation in Samoa and Vanuatu remain
less prominent compared to broader analyses of other
migrant groups or other commodities within the region
[16, 17].
The Australian colonies, for instance, were early
participants in the broader Pacific labor trade, including
the debate over Chinese laborers [14, 15]. Historians
like Miriam Meyerhoff and Ben Featuna’i Liua’ana have
documented the presence of Tonkinese (Vietnamese)
migrant labor in Vanuatu and Chinese fortunes in
Samoa, respectively, providing crucial foundational
work [16]. These studies often touch upon the
challenges faced by these laborers, including issues of
repatriation and integration into colonial societies [16].
The literature thus establishes a clear need to integrate
the specific experiences of Chinese laborers in Samoan
and Vanuatuan cocoa plantations into the larger
narratives of global commodity chains and colonial
labor systems. This study aims to bridge this gap by
providing a focused historical analysis of this particular
intersection of labor, commodity, and empire in the
Pacific.
METHODOLOGY
Historical Research and Archival Analysis
This study employs a qualitative, historical research
design to investigate the role of Chinese migrant labor
in cocoa cultivation in colonial Samoa and Vanuatu. The
methodology is primarily based on the systematic
collection, critical evaluation, and interpretation of
both primary and secondary historical sources. The aim
is to reconstruct the historical context, conditions, and
impacts of this specific labor migration and its
contribution to the colonial plantation economies of
the Pacific.
3.1 Research Design
The research design is fundamentally interpretive and
analytical, seeking to provide a nuanced understanding
of a complex historical phenomenon. It is not designed
to test hypotheses quantitatively but rather to explore,
describe, and explain the historical processes and
experiences. The comparative element between
Samoa and Vanuatu allows for the identification of
both common patterns and unique characteristics
shaped by different colonial administrations and local
conditions.
3.2 Data Collection
Data for this study were collected from a variety of
historical sources, categorized as follows:
1.
Archival Sources:
o
German Colonial Archives: Extensive use was
made of documents from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin,
Germany, which houses records pertaining to German
colonial administration in Samoa. These include official
reports on cocoa cultivation, labor regulations,
correspondence concerning Chinese laborers, and
economic statistics [30, 37, 45]. These records provide
crucial
insights
into
colonial
policies,
labor
management strategies, and official perspectives on
the challenges and successes of the cocoa industry.
o
United Nations Archives: Relevant documents
from the United Nations Archives in Geneva were
consulted, particularly those related to trade statistics
and colonial reports for territories like New Guinea,
which offer comparative data and broader regional
context for cocoa exports and labor [36, 38].
o
Other Colonial Records: Where available,
records pertaining to the Anglo-French Condominium
in the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) were examined to
understand labor policies and economic activities in
that territory [35].
2.
Colonial Reports and Publications:
o
Official Reports: Technical papers and annual
reports published by colonial administrations and
agricultural
departments
provided
detailed
information
on
cocoa
cultivation
techniques,
production volumes, economic value, and labor
conditions [26, 35]. Examples include Urquhart's
technical paper on cocoa growing in Western Samoa
[26].
o
Contemporary Newspapers and Periodicals:
Historical newspapers from Australia, New Zealand,
and the Pacific (e.g., Daily Telegraph, New Zealand
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
4
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
Herald, Samoa Times and South Sea Advertiser, Samoa
Weekly Herald, Morning Bulletin, Mercury, Telegraph)
were invaluable for capturing contemporary public
discourse, advertisements for labor, reports on
plantation activities, and local events related to labor
and trade [14, 27, 28, 33, 36, 37, 42, 43, 49, 50, 57, 58,
59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70]. These sources often
provide anecdotal evidence and local perspectives that
official reports might omit.
o
Travelogues and Memoirs: Accounts by
colonial officials, planters, and visitors (e.g., H.J.
Moors's With Stevenson in Samoa, Richard Deeken's
Manuia Samoa!) offered personal observations on
plantation life, labor conditions, and the social
environment [29, 44, 49, 74].
3.
Secondary Sources:
o
Scholarly Monographs and Journal Articles:
Extensive use was made of existing academic literature
on global commodity chains [1], colonial labor history
[6, 7, 8, 13], Pacific history [16, 17, 18, 19, 39, 51, 52,
53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75], and the
history of cocoa [4, 21, 22]. These sources provided
essential historical context, theoretical frameworks,
and interpretations of primary data. Key works include
those by Holger Droessler on Samoan colonialism [17,
18, 39, 41], Ben Featuna’i Liua’ana on Chinese in Samoa
[16], and Dorothy Shineberg on labor in New Caledonia
and Vanuatu [59, 61].
3.3 Data Analysis
The collected data were subjected to thematic content
analysis and historical contextualization. This involved:
•
Close Reading: Meticulous reading of primary
sources to identify key themes, patterns, and specific
details related to Chinese labor, cocoa cultivation, and
colonial administration.
•
Cross-Referencing:
Verifying
information
across multiple sources to establish reliability and
identify discrepancies. For instance, comparing official
reports with newspaper accounts to gain a more
complete picture.
•
Contextualization: Placing specific events and
conditions within broader historical narratives of
colonialism, global capitalism, and labor migration. This
involved understanding the economic pressures,
political ideologies, and social hierarchies that shaped
the experiences of Chinese laborers.
•
Comparative
Approach:
Systematically
comparing the findings from Samoa and Vanuatu to
highlight similarities and differences in labor
recruitment, conditions, and outcomes, and to explore
how distinct colonial regimes influenced these
processes.
•
Critical Interpretation: Analyzing sources with
an awareness of potential biases inherent in colonial
records (e.g., official reports often downplaying harsh
conditions) and interpreting them in light of subaltern
perspectives where possible.
By employing this rigorous methodology, the study
aims to provide a well-substantiated and nuanced
historical account of Chinese migrant labor's role in the
cocoa plantation economies of colonial Samoa and
Vanuatu.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Chinese Labor and Cocoa Plantations in Samoa and
Vanuatu
The analysis of historical sources reveals distinct yet
interconnected narratives regarding the establishment
of cocoa plantations and the reliance on Chinese
migrant labor in colonial Samoa and Vanuatu. Both
territories, driven by global demand for tropical
commodities, sought to expand their agricultural
output, leading to complex labor dynamics under their
respective colonial administrations.
4.1 The Rise of Cocoa in Colonial Samoa
Samoa, particularly under German colonial rule (1900-
1914), became a significant site for cocoa cultivation in
the Pacific [26, 39]. German colonial ambitions in the
Pacific were driven by economic interests, including the
desire to secure raw materials for the burgeoning
German industries [52]. While copra (dried coconut
meat) was traditionally the primary export, cocoa
emerged as a highly profitable alternative due to its
increasing global demand and higher value [26, 31, 32].
By 1951, cocoa beans from Samoa were significantly
more valuable per ton than copra, highlighting its
economic importance [32].
Early attempts at cocoa cultivation in Samoa date back
to the late 19th century, with figures like H.J. Moors, a
prominent American trader in Apia, noting the
potential for cocoa in the Samoan climate [29, 44, 45].
The German administration actively promoted cocoa
planting, recognizing its lucrative potential [27, 28, 30].
Plantations were established by both large German
firms, such as the Deutsche Handels- und Plantagen-
Gesellschaft der Südsee Inseln zu Hamburg (DHPG),
and smaller European planters [52, 67]. The climate
and soil of Samoa proved highly suitable for Theobroma
cacao, leading to optimistic projections for the industry
[43, 57].
However, a persistent challenge for these expanding
plantations was securing a consistent and compliant
labor force. Indigenous Samoans, with their strong
communal land tenure systems and subsistence
economies, generally resisted working for wages on
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
5
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
colonial plantations [51, 53, 71]. Their participation was
often sporadic or limited, as they preferred to work
their own lands or engage in traditional activities [39,
42]. This labor shortage became a critical impediment
to the full realization of Samoa's agricultural potential
[52]. Early attempts to import labor from other Pacific
islands, such as the Gilbertese (from Kiribati), also
proved problematic due to high mortality rates and
resistance [55]. This context set the stage for the
introduction of Chinese indentured labor.
4.2 Chinese Labor Recruitment and Conditions in
Samoa
The decision to import Chinese laborers into German
Samoa was a direct response to the chronic labor
shortages on cocoa and copra plantations [52, 73, 74].
Governor Wilhelm Solf, the German governor of Samoa
from 1900 to 1914, initially resisted the idea, fearing
social disruption, but eventually conceded to the
planters' demands [74, 75]. The first contingent of
Chinese laborers arrived in Samoa in 1903, marking a
significant shift in the colony's labor demographics [73].
The recruitment process for Chinese laborers, often
referred to as the "coolie trade," was fraught with
controversy and exploitation globally [7, 8, 9]. While
officially
presented
as
voluntary
contractual
agreements (indenture), the reality often bordered on
coercion or "neo-slavery," characterized by debt
bondage, deceptive recruitment practices, and harsh
conditions [12]. Chinese laborers for Samoa were
typically recruited from southern China, particularly
from areas affected by poverty and instability, through
a network of brokers and agents [8, 10].
Upon arrival in Samoa, Chinese laborers were assigned
to plantations, where they worked primarily in cocoa
cultivation, as well as copra production and general
plantation maintenance. Their contracts typically
stipulated a fixed term of service (e.g., three to five
years) in exchange for passage, wages, food, and
accommodation [16, 52]. However, the reality of their
living and working conditions was often grim.
•
Wages and Debt: Wages were low, and
laborers often found themselves in a cycle of debt due
to advances and deductions for supplies [12].
•
Housing and Food: Accommodation was basic,
often overcrowded barracks, and food rations were
sometimes inadequate, leading to malnutrition and
disease [16].
•
Workload: The work was arduous, involving
clearing land, planting cocoa seedlings, weeding,
harvesting pods, and processing beans [43, 64]. Cocoa
cultivation, particularly the delicate process of
fermentation and drying, required careful and
consistent labor [20].
•
Discipline and Control: Planters and overseers
maintained strict discipline, often resorting to corporal
punishment and other forms of coercion [19, 53, 54].
The colonial legal system offered little protection to the
laborers [19].
•
Social Isolation: The Chinese laborers were
overwhelmingly male, leading to severe gender
imbalances and social isolation, with limited
opportunities for family life or integration into Samoan
society [16].
•
Resistance: Despite the harsh conditions,
laborers often found ways to resist, including
desertion, work slowdowns, and occasional uprisings
[53, 54]. Robert Louis Stevenson, who lived in Samoa,
documented the social tensions and conflicts of the
period, including those related to labor [54].
The number of Chinese laborers in Samoa fluctuated
but was substantial. By 1913, there were 2,184 Chinese
laborers in German Samoa [73]. Their presence was
crucial for the expansion of cocoa production, which
saw significant growth during the German period [30,
31]. The Chinese laborers were instrumental in
transforming vast tracts of land into productive cocoa
estates, contributing directly to Samoa's economic
output. However, their contribution came at a
significant human cost, reflecting the exploitative
nature of colonial agricultural capitalism [1, 18]. The
majority of Chinese laborers were eventually
repatriated after their contracts expired, with the last
repatriation ship leaving in 1948 [16].
4.3 Cocoa Expansion and Labor in Colonial Vanuatu
Vanuatu, then known as the New Hebrides, presented
a different colonial context, being governed by an
Anglo-French Condominium from 1906, a unique dual
administration that often led to jurisdictional
complexities and inefficiencies [35, 59]. Despite this,
agricultural development, including cocoa, was
pursued. Cocoa cultivation in the New Hebrides was
noted as early as the late 19th century, with reports of
its potential [33, 34]. French settlers, in particular, were
active in establishing plantations [35].
Similar to Samoa, labor was a persistent challenge in
Vanuatu. The Condominium initially relied on various
sources of labor, including local Melanesians and other
Pacific Islanders, as well as indentured laborers from
Tonkin (French Indochina, modern-day Vietnam) [16,
59, 60]. The Australian-Pacific indentured labor trade,
which involved the recruitment of Islanders to work in
Queensland and Fiji, also influenced labor dynamics in
Vanuatu [60].
While Chinese laborers were a significant presence in
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
6
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
other parts of the Pacific and Southeast Asia, their
direct role in the cocoa plantations of Vanuatu appears
to have been less prominent compared to Samoa or the
Tonkinese laborers [16, 59]. The French, with their
colonial ties to Indochina, prioritized the recruitment of
Tonkinese workers for their plantations in the New
Hebrides [16]. However, the broader context of labor
migration and the "Coolie Question" was certainly
relevant to the region [8, 14]. The conditions faced by
Tonkinese laborers in Vanuatu were also harsh, marked
by high mortality rates and exploitation, reflecting the
broader patterns of coerced labor in colonial plantation
systems [16, 59].
Cocoa production in Vanuatu, while not reaching the
same scale as in Samoa during the German era, steadily
grew, contributing to the islands' export economy [35,
36]. The demand from chocolate manufacturers,
including British firms like Cadbury, influenced the
growth of cocoa cultivation in the broader Pacific
region, including Vanuatu [36]. The challenges of labor,
land, and colonial administration continued to shape
the development of the cocoa industry in the New
Hebrides.
4.4 Comparative Analysis and Broader Implications
Comparing the experiences of Chinese laborers in
Samoa and the broader labor dynamics in Vanuatu
reveals both commonalities and distinctions within the
framework of global commodity frontiers and colonial
agricultural capitalism.
Similarities:
•
Labor Scarcity: Both colonial administrations
faced chronic labor shortages due to the unwillingness
of indigenous populations to engage in plantation wage
labor under exploitative conditions [51, 53].
•
Reliance on Migrant Labor: Both territories
resorted to importing migrant labor to sustain their
plantation economies, reflecting a global pattern of
labor mobilization for tropical agriculture [7, 13, 16].
•
Harsh Conditions: Regardless of the origin of
the indentured laborers (Chinese, Gilbertese,
Tonkinese), the conditions on colonial plantations were
generally characterized by low wages, poor living
standards, strict discipline, and limited rights [16, 19,
55, 59].
•
Economic Motivation: The expansion of cocoa
cultivation in both regions was primarily driven by the
increasing global demand for chocolate and the high
profitability of the commodity [4, 21, 22, 32].
Differences:
•
Colonial Administration: German Samoa's
centralized and often authoritarian administration
facilitated the large-scale importation and control of
Chinese labor [52, 74]. In contrast, Vanuatu's Anglo-
French Condominium led to a more fragmented and
often less efficient labor policy, with French planters
favoring Tonkinese labor due to existing colonial ties
[35, 16].
•
Scale of Chinese Labor: Chinese labor played a
more direct and numerically significant role in the
cocoa industry of German Samoa compared to
Vanuatu, where other migrant groups were more
prominent in the early 20th century [16, 73].
•
Focus of Production: While both cultivated
cocoa, Samoa's cocoa industry under German rule
became particularly renowned for its quality and
quantity, becoming a major export alongside copra [30,
31, 32].
The experiences in Samoa and Vanuatu underscore
how the global demand for commodities like cocoa
fueled a complex and often brutal system of labor
migration. The "Coolie Question" in Samoa, and similar
debates surrounding Tonkinese labor in Vanuatu,
highlight the racialized nature of agricultural
capitalism, where non-European laborers were often
seen as disposable and subjected to conditions
reminiscent of slavery [1, 6, 12]. The economic benefits
of this system flowed primarily to colonial powers and
European planters, while the human cost was borne by
the migrant laborers and, indirectly, by the indigenous
populations whose lands and resources were exploited
[18]. The long-term impact of these labor systems
includes the shaping of demographic patterns, social
structures, and economic dependencies in these Pacific
island nations.
CONCLUSION
This historical analysis has illuminated the critical, yet
often under-recognized, role of Chinese migrant labor
in the development of cocoa cultivation within the
colonial plantation economies of Samoa and Vanuatu.
Driven by the escalating global demand for chocolate
and the persistent labor shortages in the Pacific,
colonial administrations and European planters
systematically recruited and exploited Chinese
indentured workers to transform these islands into
productive commodity frontiers.
In German Samoa, Chinese laborers became the
backbone of a burgeoning cocoa industry, contributing
significantly to the colony's economic output. Their
recruitment, often under coercive conditions, and their
arduous lives on plantations epitomized the broader
global patterns of coerced labor that emerged in the
wake of chattel slavery. Despite the harsh realities of
low wages, poor living conditions, and strict discipline,
these laborers were instrumental in establishing and
maintaining the cocoa estates that generated
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
7
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
substantial profits for colonial enterprises.
While Chinese labor was less numerically dominant in
colonial Vanuatu, the challenges of labor supply and
the reliance on other migrant groups, such as the
Tonkinese, reflected similar underlying dynamics of
colonial exploitation driven by global commodity
demands. The distinct administrative structures of
German Samoa and the Anglo-French Condominium in
Vanuatu influenced the specific modalities of labor
recruitment and control, yet the fundamental objective
of securing cheap and pliable labor for tropical
agriculture remained consistent.
The experiences of Chinese migrant laborers in the
Pacific cocoa industry serve as a poignant reminder of
the human cost of global capitalism's expansion. Their
stories are integral to understanding the complex
interplay
between
imperial
ambitions,
the
transformation of global countrysides, and the
enduring legacies of racialized labor systems. These
historical processes not only shaped the economic
fortunes of colonial powers but also profoundly
impacted the social, demographic, and environmental
landscapes of Samoa and Vanuatu.
Future research could delve deeper into the micro-
histories of specific plantations, providing more
granular details about the daily lives and forms of
resistance among Chinese laborers. Comparative
studies with other Asian migrant groups across
different Pacific commodities could further illuminate
regional variations in labor systems. Additionally,
exploring the long-term socio-economic and cultural
impacts of these labor migrations on both the migrant
communities and the host indigenous populations
would offer valuable insights into the enduring legacies
of colonialism in the Pacific.
REFERENCES
Sven Beckert, Ulbe Bosma, Mindi Schneider and Eric
Vanhaute,
“Commodity
Frontiers
and
the
Transformation of the Global Countryside: A Research
Agenda,” Journal of Global History 16, no. 3 (2021):
435
–6; Steven Topik, “Historicizing Commodity Chains,
Five Hundred Years of the Global Coffee Commodity
Chain,” in Frontiers of Commodity Chain Research, ed.
Jennifer Bair (Redwood City, CA, 2008); Kris Manjapra,
“Plantation Dispossessions: The Global Travel of
Agricultural Racial Capitalism,” in American Capita
lism:
New Histories, ed. Sven Beckert and Christine Desan
(New York, 2018), 361
–
87.
Ulbe Bosma, The World of Sugar (Cambridge, 2023), 47;
Beckert et al., “Commodity Frontiers,” 436; Sidney
Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in
Modern History (New York, 1985); Tracey Banivanua
Mar, Violence and Colonial Dialogue: The Australian-
Pacific Indentured Labor Trade (Honolulu, 2006).
William Gervase Clarence-Smith and François Ruf,
“Cocoa Pioneer Fronts: The Historical Determinants,” in
Cocoa Pioneer Fronts Since 1800, The Role of
Smallholders, Planters and Merchants, ed. William
Gervase Clarence-Smith (Houndmills, 1996), 5.
William Gervase Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate,
1765-1914 (London, 2000), 115, 158, 220
–
21. See also
Timothy Walker, “
Slave Labor and Chocolate in Brazil:
The Culture of Cacao Plantations in Amazonia and Bahia
(17th
–19th Centuries),” Food and Foodways, 15, no. 1–
2 (2007): 75
–
106.
W.E. Burghardt Du Bois, Black Reconstruction (New
York, 1935), 15.
Sven Van Melkebeke,
“Coerced Coffee Cultivation and
Rural Agency: The Plantation-Economy of the Kivu
(1918
–1940),” in On Coerced Labor: Work and
Compulsion after Chattel Slavery, ed. Marcel Van der
Linden and Magaly Rodríguez García (Leiden, 2016),
198. For a useful definition of coerced labor see Julia
Seibert, “More Continuity than Change? New Forms of
Unfree Labor in the Belgian Congo, 1908-
1930,” in
Humanitarian Intervention and Changing Labor
Relations: The Long-Term Consequences of the
Abolition of the Slave Trade, ed. Marcel Van der Linden
(Leiden, 2011), 369
–
86.
For an overview of indenture see Moon-
Ho Jung, “What
is the ‘Coolie Question’?” Labour History, no. 113 (Nov
2017): 3
–
8.
Lisa Yun, The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured
Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba (Philadelphia,
2009), Mae Ngai, The Chinese Question: The Gold
Rushes and Global Politics (New York, 2021); Adam
McKeown, “How the Box Became Black: Brokers and
the Creation of the Free Migrant,” Pacific Affairs 85, no.
1 (2012): 30. See also the special edition by Diane
Kirkby and Sophie Loy-
Wilson eds, “Labour History and
the ‘Coolie Question’,” Labour History, no. 113 (Nov
2017); Julia T. Martínez, “‘Unwanted Scraps’ or ‘An
Alert, Resolute, Resentful People’? Chinese Railroad
Workers in French Congo,” ed
s. Mae M. Ngai and
Sophie Loy-Wilson, International Labor and Working-
Class History, 91 (2017): 79
–
98.
Jung, “What is the ‘Coolie Question’?” 3.
B. W. Higman, “The Chinese in Trinidad, 1806
-
1838,”
Caribbean Studies, 12, no. 3 (1972): 22-25; Bosma, The
World of Sugar, 140.
George Leith, A Short Account of the Settlement,
Produce, and Commerce, of Prince of Wales Island, in
the Straits of Malacca (London, 1804), 46, 49.
Evelyn Hu-
Dehart, “Chinese Coolie Labour in Cuba in
the Nineteenth Century: Free Labour or Neo-
slavery?”
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences
8
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ijhps
International Journal Of History And Political Sciences (ISSN
–
2771-2222)
in The Wages of Slavery: From Chattel Slavery to Wage
Labour in Africa, the Caribbean and England, ed.
Michael Twaddle (Milton Park, 1993), 70.
Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of
Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920 (London, 1974), 42;
Andrea Major, “‘Hill Coolies’: Indian Indentured Labour
and the Colonial Imagination, 1836-
38,” South Asian
Studies, 33, no. 1 (2017): 27
–
8; Madhavi Kale,
Fragments of Empire: Capital, Slavery, and Indian
Indentured
Labor
in
the
British
Caribbean
(Philadelphia, 1998), 147.
“Chinese Labourers,” The Australian, May 7, 1839, 2.
Marilyn Lake, “Colonial Australia and the Asia
-Pacific
Region,” in The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume
1, eds. Stuart Macintyre and Alison Bashford
(Cambridge, 2013), 535
–
59.
Miriam Meyerhoff, “A Vanishing Act: Tonkinese
Migrant Labour in Vanuatu in the Early 20th Century,”
Journal of Pacific History, 37, no. 1 (2002): 45
–
56; Ben
Featuna’i Liua’ana, “Dragons in Little Paradise, Chinese
(Mis-) Fortunes in Samoa, 1900-
1950,” Journal of
Pacific History, 32, no. 1 (1997): 29
–
48. On the last
Chinese repatriation ship in 1948 see Nancy Y.W. Tom,
The Chinese in Western Samoa, 1875
–
1985, The
Dragon Came from Afar (Apia, 1986), 85.
For example, Holger Droessler, Coconut Colonialism:
Workers and the Globalization of Samoa (Cambridge,
MA, 2022); Michael Moynagh, Brown or White? A
History of the Fiji Sugar Industry 1873-1973 (Canberra,
1981); Brij V. Lal, “Labouring Men and Nothing More:
Some Problems
of Indian Indenture in Fiji,” in
Indentured Labour in the British Empire, 1834-1920 ed.
Kay Saunders (London, 1984), 126
–
57; Karin Speedy,
“Who Were the Reunion ‘Coolies’, of 19th
-century New
Caledonia?” Journal of Pacific History 44, no. 2 (2009):
123
–
40.
Droessler, Coconut Colonialism, 18.
Kate Stevens, Gender, Violence and Criminal Justice in
the Colonial Pacific, 1880-1920 (London, 2023), 125.
John Hinchley Hart, Cacao, Treatise on the Cultivation
and Curing of “Cacao” (Theobroma Cacao) (Tr
inidad,
1892), 47.
Emma Robertson, Chocolate, Women and Empire: A
Social and Cultural History (Manchester, 2009), 5;
Catherine Hall, “‘Turning a Blind Eye’: Memories of
Empire,” in Memory, ed. Patricia Fara and Karalyn
Patterson (Cambridge, 1998), 35; On ongoing slavery
see Catherine Higgs, Chocolate Islands: Cocoa, Slavery,
and Colonial Africa (Athens OH, 2012), 203.
Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 27; Corey Ross,
“The Plantation Paradigm: Colonial Agronomy, African
Farmers, and the Global Cocoa Boom, 1870s-
1940s,”
Journal of Global History, 9, no. 1 (2014): 53.
Higgs, Chocolate Islands, 9.
Gareth Austin, “Capitalists and Chiefs in the Cocoa
Hold-Ups in South Asante, 1927-
1938,” International
Journal of African Historical Studies, 21 no. 1 (1988): 65.
Austin, “Capitalists and Chiefs,” 66.
D.H. Urquhart, Cocoa Growing in Western Samoa,
Technical Paper, no. 39 (South Pacific Commission,
1953).
“Cacao
-
growing in Samoa,” Daily Telegraph, (Sydney)
April 23, 1906, 9.
“The Trade
of Samoa,” New Zealand Herald, November
21, 1908, 4.
H.J. Moors, With Stevenson in Samoa (Boston, 1910),
112.
Apia-Samoa, December 5, 1913, Dr Sessous, Kakao
—
Kontrolle, Kakao in Samoa, R001/8077, Bundesarchiv,
Berlin, Germany.
