American Journal Of Philological Sciences
63
https://theusajournals.com/index.php/ajps
VOLUME
Vol.05 Issue04 2025
PAGE NO.
63-68
10.37547/ajps/Volume05Issue04-17
Turkfront Military Newspapers Are A Tool of The Fight
Against National Liberation
Alijon Itolmasovich Safarov
PhD, associate professor, Head of the Department of military and sports journalism, University of Journalism and Mass Communications
of Uzbekistan
Received:
14 February 2025;
Accepted:
13 March 2025;
Published:
11 April 2025
Abstract:
The essence, purpose and historical significance of the struggle of the Turkestan peoples against the
Soviet government in 1918-1924 have been distorted for many decades. The ideologists of the existing regime
effectively used the power of the press to falsify historical truth: the press became an important tool of the
ideology of Soviet power in Turkestan. In this study, the main attention is paid to the problem of the emphasis of
the Soviet power system on publishing military press in the languages of the peoples of Turkestan, as well as in
the languages of prisoners of war from Germany, Austria and other countries held in Turkestan during the First
World War in order to promote the communist idea and suppress national identity.
Keywords:
Turkestan; military; newspaper; ideology; newspaper; council; army; front; national liberation.
Introduction:
The struggle for national liberation of the
Turkestan peoples was a period of our history that was
deliberately distorted, falsified, and misinterpreted
through the media. In particular, the essence, purpose,
and historical significance of the struggles against
Soviet power from 1918 to 1924 were distorted. The
ideologues of the authoritarian regime effectively used
the power of the press to try to falsify historical truth.
During the years of independence, many studies have
been conducted in Uzbekistan on this issue. Dedicated
scholars such as Qahramon Rajabov and Dono Ziyoeva,
through their innovative methodological and scientific
approaches, have restored historical truth regarding
the history of the Turkestan national liberation
movement.
One of the key aspects for our research during the
period in question is the issue related to military
journalism. Scholar P. Agapov studied military press in
Turkestan during the Civil War. Historian N. Khamaev,
in his r
esearch, calls it “Armed Movement and Military
Press Against Soviet Power in Uzbekistan” (Хамаев,
2019). In Turkestan, the press played a significant role,
along with other means, in suppressing the people's
resistance against Soviet power and extinguishing the
flames of dissent. From this perspective, we agree with
Khamaev's opinion. We will attempt to prove this based
on the analysis of the information we have.
METHODS
To address the research question and substantiate the
proposed hypothesis, the study employs a comparative
analysis method, drawing on materials published in the
media and presented in fundamental literature.
The author of the research utilizes a comparative
analysis approach, specifically focusing on newspapers
published b
y Turkfront, such as “Набат революции”,
“Клич трудового казачества”, “Красноармейская
газета”, “Пролетарская мысл”, “Красный фронт”,
“Борец за коммунизм”, “Коммунар”, “Наша
фронтовая
жизнь”,
“Всемирная
революция”,
“Свобода народов” (Агапов, 1967), and jou
rnals like
“O‘zbekistonda ijtimoiy fanlar” (Агапов, 1967) and
“O’tmishga nazar” (Хамаев, 2019).
Furthermore, in seeking solutions to the research
objectives, the study draws attention to fundamental
works
such
as
M.
Annakurdov's
“Истории
коммунистической
печати
в
Туркменистане”
(Аннакурдов, 1958), D. Ziyoeva's “Turkiston milliy
ozodlik harakati. (Mustabid tuzumga qarshi 1916 yil va
1918
—
1924
yillardagi xalq kurashlari tarixshunosligi)”
(Зиёева, 2000), K. Radjabov's “Вооруженное
движение в Туркестане против советского режима
(1918-
1924)” (Раджабов, 2018), and P. Agapov's
dissertation
abstract
titled
“Военная
печать
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Туркестана в годы гражданской войны (1918
-1920
гг.)” (Агапов, 1967).
DISCUSSIONS
An article titled “К истории военной печати в
советском Туркестане” (On the History of Military
Press in Soviet Turkestan) by P. Agapov was published
in the second issue of the “O‘zbekistonda ijtimoiy
fanlar” journal in 1967 (Агапов, 1967).
In the article, the author informs us that on July 25,
1919, the national department under the political
department of the Caspian Front published a military
newspaper called “Шефор” (“Горнист”) in Armenian in
Poltorask (present-day Ashgabat). He also mentions
that around the same time, the department published
a military newspaper called “Sadoi fuqaro” in turkmen
and azerbaijani languages. The scholar cites the work of
Turkmenistani researcher M. Annaqurdov in this regard
(Аннакурдов, 1958).
This clearly shows that the Soviet regime in Turkestan
not only focused on publishing military newspapers but
also on doing so in local languages. This raises the
question of why. We attempted to find answers in P.
Agapov's article and dissertation abstract. The article
provides the following reasons:
formation and strengthening of Red Army units in
Turkestan;
strengthening the political education of Turkestan
fighters;
mobilizing Turkestan fighters to crush counter-
revolutionary armed forces.
Interestingly, the military newspapers published in
Turkestan, which reached approximately 30, all belong
to one specific period. This period encompasses the
years 1918-1924. In his dissertation abstract, candidate
of historical sciences P. Agapov, reflecting the
ideological demands of the time, refers to this period
as “the crushing of the main counter
-revolutionary
forces in Turkestan” (Агапов, 1967). However, doctor
of historical sciences, professor Qahramon Rajabov,
calls it “the armed movement against the Soviet regime
in Turkestan” and restores historical truth (Раджабов,
2018).
What was the typology of military press during the peak
of the struggle for national liberation? By observing the
research, particularly P. Agapov's work, we gain clarity
on the typology of military publications in Turkestan
during this period. It can be categorized as follows:
central newspapers;
front newspapers;
national (international) newspapers.
Central Newspapers
These publications are considered central due to their
establishment by the political departments of the
Turkfront revolutionary council and their wide
distribution. One such publication is the “Набат
революции” newspaper. Starting from January 15,
1920, it replaced the “Горнист” newspaper and
became known as “Набат революции”. It was
published as the press organ of the political
department of the first Army. From May 6, 1920, issue
No. 83 onwards, the Caspian region revkom and the
obkom party also became its sponsors (Агапов, 1967).
“Клич трудового казачества” is another newspaper
classified as a central publication. It was the organ of
the cozak department of the Central executive
committee of the Turkestan republic council and was
established as a result of the Turkestan bolsheviks'
policy in 1919-1920 aimed at developing mass media
for the Red Army.
“Красноармейская газета” also holds a significant
position among central publications. It was published in
Turkestan from 1921 onwards. This bi-weekly
publication was sponsored by the delegation of the
military council of the red army and red guard of the
Turkestan republic.
“Красная звезда” newspaper holds a prominent
position among the central military publications in
Turkestan. It was established by the Turkfront political
directorate and started publishing on June 12, 1921.
From January 1920, “Пролетарская мысл” newspaper
began publication as the political organ of the 2nd
Turkestan rifle division. Party activist and journalist A.
Savin, followed by party official Yuliy Kirsh (from
October 15, 1920), served as the editor-in-chief. The
publication was also the organ of the Ferghana obkom
party. The newspaper was mobilized by the party to
fight against “basmachism” in Ferghana.
The “Красный фронт” newspaper was published from
1919 onwards and served as the press organ of the
political department under the Military revolutionary
council of the Turkestan republic. Edited by D.
Stratulenko, the military newspaper was distributed
free of charge along the front lines. The issue published
on October 19, 1919, featured articles titled “Red
Banner”, “On the red fronts”, “Revolution and Culture”
while the issue of May 30, 1919, included articles titled
“In Kolchak”, “In Poland” and “Bukhara”. Notably, the
article titled “Bukhara” criticized local administration
(Сафаров, 2022).
Front Newspapers
This category of newspapers was published by the
political departments of the Turkfront's revolutionary
fronts in various locations.
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“Борец за коммунизм” is one such publication. From
May 11, 1920, the Turkestan front political directorate
published the front newspaper
“Борец за коммунизм”
Boris Lavrenev actively participated in its creation and
contributed numerous caricatures, adding to the
newspaper's appeal (Агапов, 1967).
“Бой за коммунизм” was a popular front newspaper.
It was the press organ of the political department of the
Lepsin direction of the Turkestan's seven rivers front
revolutionary council and was published around 1919-
1920.
The next publication, the “Горнист” front newspaper,
also provided information about the intense processes
taking place. It was published in 1919 by the organ of
the political department under the Military
revolutionary council of the Turkestan republic.
“Коммунар” was the front newspaper of the Oqtyuba
north-eastern front organ and was published around
1919-1920. Another publication of the Oqtyuba north-
eastern front organ, the “Наша фронтовая жизнь”
front newspaper, was published and distributed
around 1919-1920. P. Agapov's research mentions the
“Путеводный огонёк” front newspaper. It was the
front newspaper of the Oqtyuba north-eastern front
organ and was published around 1919-
1920 (Агапов,
1967).
The Alisher Navoiy National Library's rare publications
department holds a copy of a leaflet titled “Ранненый
Красноармеец” specifically, the library's G
-16 (sb)
collection contains issue No. 2 of the publication, dated
September 16, 1920. “Ранненый Красноармеец2 was
published as a literary-
political leaflet (Сафаров, 2022).
This publication can also be categorized as a front
newspaper.
National (International) Newspapers
The national sections of the Turkfront's political
departments in various locations began publishing
national newspapers. The Turkkomissiya, members of
the Revvoensovet front, and local leaders collaborated
to create and strengthen national military press, both
ideologically and organizationally, and to publish
newspapers for international soldiers. The party
congress focused on strengthening national and local
press for propaganda purposes. The three aspects
mentioned above highlight the urgency of the issue:
establishing a national military press;
providing ideological and organizational support;
increasing publications in the languages of various
nationalities within the red army.
This raises the question of who is meant by “various
nationalities”. Based on i
nformation found online, over
2,500 prisoners of war from World War I, or
international soldiers, joined the red army in Turkestan
at the end of 1918 and participated in the fight against
the national liberation movement (armeniasputnik,
2024). This is further evidenced by the serious efforts
made to publish international newspapers in
Turkestan. P. Agapov's research provides information
on this. For example, in April 1919, the “Всемирная
революция” newspaper was published for foreign
communists in the region by the organ of the south
slavyan group of Turkestan Communists (Агапов,
1967). According to I. Sologubov's book “Иностранные
коммунисты в Туркестане, 1918
-
1921 гг” by the end
of 1919, there were approximately 4,000 internationals
serving in the Red Army units in Turkestan and 22,000
working in the regional economy (Сологубов, 1961.).
We compared these figures with another source. The
collection “Rossiya v pervoy mirovoy voyne 1914—
1918 gg. (v sifrax)” compiled by the Military statistics
department of the Central statistical administration of
the USSR contains information on this. We focused on
the information related to Turkestan in table 31 titled
“Number of foreign prisoners of war in military districts
in Russia's interior” (Рос). It states that 1,76
4 officers
and 39,521 ordinary soldiers were brought to
Turkestan as prisoners of war, totaling 41,285. Among
the prisoners of war, 1,714 officers were Austrian, 50
were German, 36,006 soldiers were Austrian, and 3,515
were German. This means that the prisoners of war
brought to Turkestan were predominantly Austrian and
German military personnel. The table also notes that
23,587 Austrian and German prisoner of war soldiers
were involved in agricultural work. Comparing this with
I. Sologubov's data, we see a slight decrease in the
number of prisoners of war by 1919. This can be
attributed to various factors, such as relocation to
other regions in 1917-1918, unauthorized departures
to Russia, and deaths from injuries and illness. As a
result, by mid-1918, there were approximately 32,000
prisoners of war left in Turkestan, including 11,000 in
Tashkent (ЦГА).
After the October Revolution, prisoners of war were
released from camp regime and gained freedom. Some
even moved into homes. Despite budgetary
constraints, the Soviet government in Turkestan
continued to allocate funds for the living and
sustenance of prisoners of war (ЦГА, 1931). Was there
a specific goal behind this? Why did a regime built on
betrayal, deceit, oppression, and tyranny decide to
appease prisoners of war in the face of financial
difficulties?
The historical realities behind these questions are quite
revealing. For example, the Soviets used prisoners of
war to carry out numerous bloody terrors in Turkestan.
As stated in the book “New History of
Uzbekistan” the
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Soviets used Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war
alongside the Dashnaks to drown the Turkestan
autonomy in blood (Ўзбекистоннинг, 2000). In late
October 1917, Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war were
used against the troops of the Provisional
government's Turkestan committee in Tashkent.
Therefore, to suppress the national liberation
movement, the communist party relied on propaganda,
including the press, to encourage more prisoners of
war to join the red army and actively mobilize them for
war. The underlying motive behind the international
publications mentioned in our research was the Soviet
ideology's insidious goal. The Soviet government,
established after the october revolution, granted a
semblance of freedom to prisoners of war, which
fostered a sense of goodwill towards its policies. As a
result, some prisoners of war, having gained their
freedom, welcomed the Soviet regime with
enthusiasm. While some of them gravitated towards
local counter-revolutionary forces, others held hope in
the Soviet system (Willfort., 1930). For instance, Hans
Sebrovsk, a German prisoner of war in Chimkent,
declared, “Our fate is inextricably linked to the fate of
the working people in Central Asia. Only their victory
can bring us freedom” (Поворот, 1964). Such
prisoners
of war, poisoned by Soviet propaganda, engaged in the
struggle to establish Soviet power in Turkestan.
According to the book “Интернационалисты.
Трудящиеся зарубежных стран –
участники борьбы
за власть советов” in late 1917 and early 1918, despit
e
opposition from the Swedish red cross and local
organizations, dozens of volunteers, including
prisoners of war, joined the red guard detachments in
cities and settlements like Samarkand, New Bukhara
(Kogon), Skobelev (Ferghana), Kokand, Chorjuy, Petro-
A
leksandrovsk (To‘rtko‘l), Vernogo (Almaty), Pishpek
(Frunze), and others (Интернационалисты, 1967).
On August 25, 1919, the political department of the
Turkestan republic revolutionary military council's
international division published the newspaper
“Свобода народов” simultaneously in German,
Hungarian, Slovak, and Romanian languages. This
weekly publication primarily appeared in German and
Hungarian, with supplements in Slovak and Romanian.
The first issue included an appeal to readers, stating:
“Comrades
! The foreign worker and peasant
communist organization in Tashkent congratulates its
comrades on the publication of the first issue of its
international newspaper and wishes it victory in the
arduous struggle against the bourgeoisie for the
liberation of all working people... Our newspaper's goal
is to help and encourage all working people to unite in
achieving universal freedom” (Агапов, 1967). This very
call demonstrates the significant task before the party
to mobilize prisoners of war for the war effort.
Later, separate newspapers in various languages
emerged in place of this publication. “Rote fane” (Red
banner) is one such example. From March 1920
onwards, German communists in Turkestan published
a military newspaper in German called “Rote fane”
(Агапов, 1967). Starting from May 1, 1920, the
Yugoslav communists published their newspaper
“Srveni baryan” (“Red Star”) (Агапов, 1967). In March
1920, Hungarian communists in Turkestan began
publishing the military newspaper “Vyoresh uyshag”
(Krasnaya gazeta
) (Агапов, 1967). The magazine “Shulai
inqilob” and the newspaper “Najot” were published for
Persian communists (Агапов, 1967).
“Djanga urs” (New war) was one of the publications
printed in the language of the Turkestanis. It was a
military newspaper published in Kazakh by the
Turkfront political directorate from June 1920 onwards
(Агапов, 1967).
“Uchqun” (Iskra) Newspaper.The “Uchqun” (Iskra)
newspaper, published in Seven Rivers in 1920, was the
organ of the political department of the Third Turk
Division. It was initiated by D. Furmanov.
Ziyo Said's book “Selected Works” mentions a military
newspaper called “Qizil yulduz” (Red star) published in
Uzbek (Саид, 1974). According to the book, the
newspaper was published by the Turkestan front
headquarters in 1925. What was the purpose of the
“Qizil yulduz” newspaper? Based on Z. Said's opinion,
the objectives of the publication can be divided into
two:
Firstly: to conduct extensive propaganda and agitation
among the soldiers of the newly formed and forming
national units within the red army;
to familiarize soldiers with government affairs;
to acquaint Uzbek soldiers in national units with the life
of the republic and the international situation.
Secondly, to influence public opinion by spreading the
idea of forming national units for the Red Army among
the local population, especially the working class; to
improve relations between the local population and
the red army.
Ziyo Said writes that 11 issues of the newspaper were
published in 1925. The main reason for this is attributed
to financial factors.
The information presented suggests that during the
suppression of the national liberation movement in
Turkestan, the bolsheviks paid great attention to
organizing and developing the red army press. This
formation
of
military
publication
typology
demonstrates the bolsheviks' effective use of various
methods
of
information
dissemination
and
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manipulative influence, their ability to utilize the press
as a powerful ideological weapon, and their timely
mobilization of mass media.
P. Agapov notes that during the most complex and
challenging period against internal and external
counter-revolutionary forces, red army publications
began to be established on a mass scale. The following
main tasks were set for central, front, and national
newspapers, which were common to all:
to exert a strong ideological influence within the army;
to be a reliable assistant to military unit commanders;
to assist the military commissars in their ideological
work;
to be an active helper in the ideological work of party
organizations (Агапов, 1967).
Focusing on the information in P. Agapov's dissertation
abstract on propaganda and agitation (Агапов, 1967),
the answer seems even clearer. For example, the
researcher states that the red army's “Красный фронт”
newspaper published an appeal from the Turkestan
central executive committee (Turksik) titled “Red
Soviet Turkestan in Danger!” (Красный Советский
Туркестан в опастности!) in its May 26, 1919 issue.
This document, imbued with the spirit of Soviet
ideology, concluded with an appeal and a red slogan:
“To the defense of all Soviet power, to the workers of
power, to the poor peasants and farmers!”. The
material was prepared in fulfillment of the thesis
adopted by the Communist party of bolsheviks (SK RKP
(b)) regarding the situation with the Eastern front. A
high-flown appeal was made to the Red soldiers
through the publication in a party spirit.
Another publication published by Turkfront, “Gornist”
in its June 29, 1919 issue, called on the local population
in the Caspian region to join the ranks of the red army
and support it in every way (Агапов, 1967).
As these examples show, during the peak of the
national liberation movement, the ruling ideology
mainly used military publications published in
Turkestan as a propaganda tool.
CONCLUSIONS
P. Agapov's research highlights the “mobilization and
organizational role of the red army's mass publications
during the period of the suppression of counter-
revolutionary forces in Turkestan”. This research
proves that the Soviets used the press as a powerful
ideological weapon. One example is sufficient to
illustrate this point. For instance, military publications
that served as the organ of the Turkfront political
administration played a significant role in shaping our
understanding of the terms “basmachi” and “basmachi
movement” essentially branding them onto our
consciousness. Regular articles were published in
sections like “Dob'em basmachestvo” (We will defeat
basmachi), “Protiv basmachey” (Against the basmachi)
and “Borba s basmachestvom” (The Struggle against
basmachi), through which the Soviet historical
narrative of the “basmachi movement” was
constructed. Publications like “Красноармеец” (Red
Army Soldier), “Красная звезда” (Red Star), “Красный
фронт” (Red Front), “Красноармейская газета” (Red
Army Newspaper), “Набат революции” (The Alarm
bell of the revolution), “Горнист” (The Horn), and other
military publications mentioned in the article became
instrumental in this process. They exerted immense
effort to i
nstill false perceptions like “the Red Army is
the savior of the working class” and “basmachism is a
class enemy” into public opinion.
Why did the Soviets strive to distort the essence of the
struggle for national liberation in Turkestan through
media? What prompted them to mobilize such
significant resources? What could this struggle have
exposed?
First and foremost, the flames of this struggle in
Turkestan were ignited against the rule and oppression
of Soviet power. The people's uprising demonstrated
their rejection of Soviet authority and ideology. As
Cho'lpon said, a sea, a wave, and a force had emerged.
The Soviets attempted to suppress this great storm
through violence, force, threats, intrigue, and other
tried and untried methods. They leveraged the power
of the press to poison public consciousness, distort
reality, misinterpret events, and create a false history.
By publishing military publications in the local
languages and the languages of the international
peoples, the Soviets sought to suppress the burgeoning
struggle for freedom and liberation in Turkestan. They
aimed to recruit more prisoners of war and local
representatives into the red army, convincing them of
the righteousness of their sinister policies.
The Soviets actively used propaganda and agitation
through military publications to completely transform
the events that the people of Turkestan had witnessed
and experienced firsthand, twisting them in the
opposite direction and distorting the national
liberation struggle. This blatant manipulation further
reveals the repulsive nature of the totalitarian regime
and the proponents of communist ideology.
Based on the above, we can draw the following
conclusions about the true goals and functions of
military publications:
to misrepresent the struggle for national liberation of
the people of Turkestan as a “basmachi movement”;
to falsify historical truth;
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to bolster the ranks of the Red Army through local
populations and prisoners of war using the false
narrative of Soviet ideology;
to create a positive public opinion towards the Red
Army;
to instill a spirit of ruthless struggle against Soviet
enemies;
to intensify ideological propaganda.
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